Man

MAN

A MONTHLY RECORD OF ANTHROPOLOGICAL SCIENCE.

PUBLISHED UNDER THE DIRECTION OF THE

ROYAL ANTHROPOLOGICAL INSTITUTE

OF

GREAT BRITAIN AND IRELAND,

XIII.

1913

Nos. 1—112.
WITH PLATES A— M.

PUBLISHED BY THE

ROYAL ANTHROPOLOGICAL INSTITUTE,

50, GREAT RUSSELL STREET, LONDON, W.C.
NEW YORK AGENTS: MESSRS. O. E. STECHERT & Co,

OOIsTTEIsTTS.

ORIGINAL ARTICLES.

No.
Abyssinia : Archaeology. Account of the newly-discovered Ruins at Sellali. (Illustrated.)

WILFRED G. THESIGER 89

Africa: Congo. Notes on Unusual Form of Tatu. (Illustrated.') E. TOKDAY 2

Africa, East. A Ceremony at a Mugumu or Sacred Fig-tree of the A'Kikuyu of East

Africa. M. W. H. BEECH, M.A 51

Africa, East. A few Notes on the Wasanye. A. WERNER 107

Africa, East. A'Kikuyu Fairy Talcs (Rogano). CAPTAIN W. E. H. BARRETT ... 6, 14, 44

Africa, East. A Pokomo Funeral. Miss A. WERNER 38

Africa, East. Circumcision Ceremonies among the Amwimbe. ( With Plate I— J.). G. ST.

J. ORDE BROWNE 79

Africa, East. Suicide amongst the A'Kikuyu of East Africa. MERVYN W. H. BEECH, M.A. 30
Africa, East. The Sacred Fig-tree of the A'Kikuyu of East Africa. MERVYN W. H.

BEECH, M.A 3

Africa, East. Two Galla Legends. Miss A. WERNER 53

Africa, East: Linguistics. Endo Vocabulary. MERVYN W. H. BEECH, M.A 42

Africa: Marmariea. Nomad Burials in Marmarica. (Illustrated.) ORIC BATES, B.A. ... 88

Africa, West. A Yoruba Tattoer. (Illustrated.) 3. W. SCOTT MACFIE ... 68

Africa, West. Shongo Staffs. (With Plate L. and Illustrations. ~) J. W. SCOTT MACFIE,

M.A., B.Sc 96

Africa, West : Folk Stories. Two Ekoi Stories. P. AMAURY TALBOT 4

Africa. See, also ABYSSINIA ; EGYPT ; SOUTHERN NIGERIA.

America, South : Chile. A Note on the Occurrence of Turquoise in Northern Chile.

OSWALD H. EVANS, F.G.S 87

America. See also CANADA ; PERU.

Archaeology. The Origin of the Dolmen. (Illustrated.) G. ELLIOT SMITH, F.R.S. ... 105

Archaeology: Prehistoric. Flint Implements of Man from the Middle Glacial Gravel

and Chalky Boulder Clay of Suffolk. J. REID MoiH 19

Archaeology : Prehistoric. Problems of Flint Fracture. J. REID MOIR, F.G.S 29'

Archaeology : Prehistoric. Problems of Flint Fracture. S. HAZZLEDINE WARREN, F.G.S. 20 •

Archaeology: Prehistoric. Subcrag Flints. ALFRED BELL 40

Archaeology : Prehistoric. What is a Natural Eolith ? C. J. GRIST, M.A. 39

Archaeology. See also ABYSSINIA ; CAPE COLONY ; EGYPT ; ENGLAND ; PERU ; SCOTLAND.
Asia. See BORNEO AND JAVA ; BORNEO, BRITISH NORTH ; CHINA : HONG KONG ; INDIA ;

JAPAN ; SOCIOLOGY.
Australia, South. Burial Customs in the Northern Flinders Ranges of South Australia.

(With Plate D. and Illustrations.) HERBERT BASEDOW, M.D. 26

Borneo and Java. Note on the Natives of the Eastern Portion »f Borneo and Java.

. MERVYN W. H. BEECH, M.A 13

Borneo, British North. On a Collection of Stone Implements from the Tempassuk District,

British North Borneo. (Illustrated.) IVOR H. N. EVANS. B.A 86

Canada: Anthropology. Indian Tribes of Canada. C. M. BARBEAU 69

Cape Colony : Archaeology. Pygmy Implements from Cape Colony. (Illustrated.) \\ .

J. LEWIS ABBOTT, F.R.A.I., F.G.S. 81

China : Hong Kong. A Chine se Phallic Stone. STAFF-SURG. KENNETH H. JONES, M.B. R.N. 41
Egypt : Archaeology. The Earliest Perfect Tombs. (With Plate K.) W. M. FLINDERS

PETRIE, D.C.L., F.R.S 85

Egypt : Folklore. Some Cairene Amulets for Houses and for Horses and Donkeys. (With

Plate A.) W. L. HILDBURGH 1

Egypt: Sudan. Ancient Mealing Holes at Jebelain, Sudan. (With Plate M.) H. W.

SETON-KARR 103

England: Archaeology. Description of Vase found on Nunwell Down, Isle of Wight.

(Illustrated.) O. G. S. CRAWFORD 12

England: Archaeology. Excavations on Beacon Hill, Hampshire. (With Diagram*.) C.

L. WOOLLEY. With Prefatory Note by LORD CARNARVON 5

Ethnology. Note on Certain Obsolete Utensils in England. (With Plate C.and Illustrations.)

J. EDGE-PARTINGTON 18

VI

DESCRIPTION OF THE PLATES.

A. Cairene Amulets ... ... ... ... ... With No. 1

B. Gandhara Relief, Representing the Story of King Sivi ,, H

C. An Old Room in Mr. Digby-Wyatt's House, Weston-Corbett, Hants ;.. ... „ 18

D. Burial Customs in the Northern Flinders Ranges of South Australia .".. ... „ 26

E. A Gold Beaker from Lambayeque, Peru ... „ ' 37

F. The Pleasing of the God Thangjing ,. 50

G. Lord Avebury... ... ... ... ... ... „ 56

H. Ceremonial Dance ; from an Ancient Vase, Chicama Valley, Peru ... ... ... „ 65

i-j. Circumcision Ceremonies among the Amwimbe ... ... ... ... ... „' 79

K. The Earliest Perfect Tombs „ 85

L. Shongo Staffs ..'. „ 96

M. Ancient Mealing Holes at Jebelain, Sudan ... ... ... „ JQ3

ILLUSTRATIONS IN THE TEXT.

N.B. — Photograph, unless otherwise stated.

Unusual Form of Tatu. {Drawings.') ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... With No. 2

Figs. ] , 2. Tumulus at the " Severn Barrows," Highclere, N. Hampshire. (Drauings.*) „ 5

Nunwell Vase ... ... ... ... ... „ 12

Figs. 1-3. Bronze Age Skulls. (Drawings.*) ... ... ... ... ... „ 12

Figs. 1-3. Obsolete Utensils in England. {Drawings.') „ 18

Fig. 1. Shattered long bones of the legs and fragments of an ulna and radius ... ... ,. 26

Fig. 2. Superior extremities of left femur and right ulna ... ... ... „ 26

Fig. 1. Details of figure on Gold Beaker from Lambayeque, Peru. (Drawing) ... „ 37

Fig. 1. Nongshaba and his wife Sarunglaima being carried to the Lai-Sang ,, 50

Fig. 2. The Enticing of Thangjing ... ... ... „ 5Q

Fig. 1. Scottish Pygmy Flints of Indian Type. (Drawing.*) }, 58

Fig. 2. Pygmy Core. (Drawing.*) „ 53

Fig. 3. Pygmy Flint found in 1906 at Birkwood, Banchory (twice natural size).

(Drawing.*) ... ... ... ... ... ... „

Fig. 1. Painted Design : from an Ancient Vase, Nasca Valley, Peru. (Drawing.) ... „

Fig. 2. Ceremonial Dance : from an Ancient Vase, Chicama Valley, Peru. (Drawing.*) .,

Fig. 3. Figure of Centipede : from an Ancient Vase, Nasca Valley, Peru. (Drawing.*) .,

Figs. 4, 5. Centipede Motive : from an Ancient Vase, Nasca Valley, Peru. (Draivings.*) „

Fig. 1. Yoruba Tattooer n

Fig. 2. Tattooer's Knife. (Drawing.) ... ... ... ?)

Pygmy Implements from base of Sand Dunes, Fish Hook, Cape Colony ... ;)

Figs. I-IV. Stone Implements from the Tempassuk District, B.N. Borneo „

Figs. 1-3. Graves in Marmarica. (Drawings). , _ n

Fig. 4. Signs incised on Stones. (Drawing.*) ... ?)

Figs. 5a, 5b, 8. Cairns. (Drawings.*)

Fig. 6. Burial of Adult Woman. (Drawing.) ?)

Figs. 7a, 7b. Silver Rings. (Drawings*) ... ... ... ... ...

Fig. 9. Burial of an Old Woman. (Drawing.*) ... ... ... ...

Ground Plan of Ruins at Tchegi. (Drawing.*) ... ... ... ... ... ...

Figs. I-V. Patterns of Carved Stone work. (Drawings.*) ... ... ?)

Fig. 1. Wooden Vessel ... ... ... ... ...

Fig. 2. Smaller Staffs ... ...

Fig. 1. Profile drawing of the Cranium of the Woman's Skull. (Drawing.*) |?

Fig. 2. Full-face drawing of the same. (Drawiti'g .*) ... ... g^

Fig. 3. Verbea view of the same. (Drawing.*) ... -.-.-. ... - gy

An unusual form of Tiki. (Drawing.) gg

Chandi Kalasan. (Drawing.*) ... JQQ

s. 1-5. Diagrams illustrating the Evolution of the Dolmen. (Draivings.*) 105

VII

LIST OF AUTHORS.

-V..B. — The lumbers to which an asterisk is added are those of Reviews of Books.

ABBOTT, W. J. LEWIS, 81.

BARBEAU, C. M., 69.

BARRETT, CAPTAIN W. E. H., 6, 14, 44.

BASEDOW, HERBERT, 26.

BATES, ORIC, 88.

BEECH-, M. W. H., 3, 13, 30, 42, 51.

BELL, ALFRED, 40.

BEST, ELSDON, 57.

BRETON, A. C., 33*, 60*.

BROWNE, G. ST. J. ORDE, 79.

C., H. A. A., 48*.
CARNARVON, LORD, o.
CLARK, J. COOPER, 84*, 100*.
Cox, REV. W. H., 106.
CRAWFORD, 0. G. S., 12.
CROOKE, W., 34*.

DAMES, M. LONGWORTH, 11, 25*, 45*,

77*.

EARP, F. R., 71*, 93*.
EDGE-PARTINGTON, J., 18, 91*, 98.
EVANS, IVOR H. N., 86.
EVANS, OSWALD H., 87.

GRIST, C. J., 39.

HADDON, A. C., 59*, 61*, 99*.

HAMILTON, A., 52.

HARTLAND,E. SIDNEY, 15*, 54*, 83*, 94*.

HILDBURGH, W. L., 1, 67, 82.

HOCART, A. M., 80.

HODSON, T. C., 27, 32*, 66, 104.

JONES, STAFF-SURG. KENNETH H., 41.
JOYCE, T. A., 7*, 11, 37, 65.

KEITH, A., 90*, 92*, 97.
L., A. L., 16*, 76*.

M., C. R., 70*.

M., J. L., 109*.

MACFIE, J. W. SCOTT, 68, 96.

MAC!VER, D. RANDALL, 10*.

MOIR, J. REID, 19, 29.

N., 110*.

PARKYN, E. A., 23*, 72*.
PARSONS, F. G., 22*.
PATERSON, H. M. LESLIE, 58.
PEAKE, HAROLD, 73*.
PETRIE, W. M. FLINDERS, 85.

R., H. A., 111*.
READ, SIR C. HERCULES, 56.
RIVERS, W. H. R,, 28.
ROSCOE, J., 75*.

S., R. A., 8*.

SCHELTEMA, J. F., 100*.

SELIGMANN, C. G., 24*, 74*.
SETON-KARR, H. W., 103.
SHAKESPEAR, LIEUT.-COLONEL J., 50.
SMITH, G. ELLIOT, 105.

T., A. J. N., 35*, 47*.
TALBOT, P. AMAURY, 4, 108.
TEMPLE, SIR RICHARD, 102.
THESIGER, WILFRED G-, 89.
TIGER, AUGUSTUS, 21, 31.
TORDAY, E., 2, 62*, 112*.

WADDELL, ARTHUR R., 9*.
WARREN, S. HAZZLEDINE, 20.
WERNER, Miss A., 38, 53, 107.
WILLIAMSON, ROBERT W., 46*.
WOOLLEY, C. L., 5.
WRIGHT, T. F., 43.

PLATE A.

MAN, 1913

FIO. 5.

F1&. 6.

FIG/T.

CAIRENE AMULETS.

MAN

A MONTHLY RECORD OF ANTHROPOLOGICAL SCIENCE,

PUBLISHED UNDER THE DIRECTION OF THE
ROYAL ANTHROPOLOGICAL INSTITUTE OF GREAT BRITAIN AND IRELAND.

. — All communications printed in MAN are stoned or initialled by their
authors, and the Council of the Institute desires it to be understood that in giving
publicity to them it accepts no responsibility for the opinions or statements expressed.

N.B. — MAN, 1913, consists of twelve monthly-published sheets, of at least sixteen
pages each, printed in single column; containing " Original Articles" and substantial
" Reviews " of recent publications ; all numbered consecutively 1, 2, 3, onwards.

JV.B. — Articles published in MAN should be quoted by the year and the
reference-number of the article, not by the page-reference ; e.g., the article which
begins on page 4 should be quoted as MAN, 1913, 3.

ORIGINAL ARTICLES.

Egypt : Folklore. With. Plate A. Hildburgh.

Some Cairene Amulets for Houses and for Horses and Donkeys. I

By W. L. Hildburgh. I

House Amulets. — Upon house fronts in Cairo, over doorways or within them, in
the fronts of the small open shops of the native quarters, and in other situations
similarly exposed to the glances of eyes, possibly envious or naturally evil- working,
amulets are very often placed in order to provide against mischance resulting to the
property so exposed or to its owners. The objects mentioned below are in use by
the Mohammedan population, and, with a few exceptions, are seldom to be seeu on
houses or in connection with shops occupied by Europeans.

The following objects are quite commonly used against evil-working glances
and as general protections : —

A crocodile, sometimes quite large. A favourite amulet for the doorways of
fine residences.

A large lizard.

A globe-fish (tetrodont). Plate A, Fig. 1, shows a rather small specimen, which
was formerly hung in the front of a shop, together with a lemon (see below), and
two biunted cones of dust or earth from a sacred spot (of one of these only the
leather loop remains).

An open hand, sometimes formed of wood, either with or without its arm,
sometimes an old glove filled with a stuffing material.

An ostrich egg ; also often hung within houses as protection against the " evil
eye." Plate A, Fig. 2, shows one mounted in bands of tin-plate (now much rusted).

An aloe plant, usually hung with roots upward.

A large garlic, or a bunch of small garlics.

A string of red peppers, as ordinarily sold for cooking.

The earliest pieces in the year of such fruits as oranges, lemons, and pomegranates
are commonly used as shop amulets. A lemon so used is shown in Fig. 1, Plate A.

The stalks of the first of the new wheat are often plaited into a decorative object,

No. 1.] MAN. [1913.

such as that shown in Fig. 3, Plate A, which forms an amulet commonly hung in the
front of a shop to bring good luck. This object is generally renewed each year.

A small globular gourd. Plate A, Fig. 4, shows a gourd intended for hanging in
a doorway against " evil eye." This specimen is unusual in being ornamented with
incised rude designs (the gourds generally used are plain), and in being larger than
those commonly employed. The designs appear to represent animals and birds of
indeterminate species (*the former may be intended for giraffes), lizards or crocodiles
(both used protectively), insects (?), and scorpions or, possibly, snakes. The owner
of this object, a Persian in the Bazaar, stated that the designs were Soudanese, and, so
far as he knew, merely decorative. [The lengthened globular form of the gourd, the
globe-fish, and the ostrich egg, all of which are used against the " evil eye," suggests
that they represent some amuletic object, probably the eye-ball ; or, possibly, some
object formerly worshipped (such as the sun's disc), degraded, by the imposition of
new religious forms, to a vague guardianship.]

An iron horseshoe, used either alone or in company with one or several others.
Generally suspended with the opening downward (the arrangement dictated by con-
venience) ; occasionally, but rarely, with the opening upward. A horseshoe is some-
times fastened to the doorstep. The number of the nail-holes in the horseshoes used as
amulets varies, appearing to be of no moment ; when five (as in a specimen obtained)
or seven it is probably considered to add efficacy to the amulet.

Less commonly used than the above are : —
An old shoe (compare below).-
A small hairy mammal.

Horns of cattle or sheep. (These are fairly common in connection with
shops kept by Italians at Cairo, but occur only occasionally in connection
with native shops.)

Amulets for Horses and Donkeys. — Almost every horse or donkey owned or
driven by a native wears one or, often, several protective objects. Commonest
amongst these, and almost always present, is a bell or something that jingles (some-
times barely audibly), such as a series of coins, or imitation coins, on a chain, or
even a pebble in a small metal box.

Beads, mostly blue, are worn against the effect of the " evil eye " and envy.
They are generally hung round the neck, but sometimes only a few are worn, hung
between the eyes. (See Figs. 7 and 6, Plate A.)

Brass coins or imitation coins are worn as similarly protective. One is shown
in Fig. 6, Plate A.

Cowry shells are very commonly worn. Examples of two of their numerous
modes of application are shown in Figs. 5 and 6, Plate A.

An old shoe, generally that of a child, may frequently be seen suspended from
the necks of horses or camels.

Many horses and donkeys have a bit of red ribbon or red cloth tied to some
part of their harness. Several inquiries as to the purpose of this met with the
reply that it had no meaning : the insignificant size and the valuelessness of the red
pieces seem, however, to indicate either that it is intended as protective (probably
against sorcery or the " evil eye ") or is a survival of a belief in its efficacy as
a protection. Numbers of horses also wear many-coloured bunches of long rags
or ribbons upon their heads — such bunches as might, by analogy with amulets else-
where, be supposed to be amuletic — but these were always said to be merely for the
purpose of keeping off the flies and to have no occult protective intention.

A piece of catskin, hung from the neck, is quite commonly worn by horses.
(See Fig. 5, Plate A.)

A small tuft of hair is fairly frequently worn on the forehead by horses. The

[ 2 ]

1913.]

MAN.

[Nos. 1-2,

specimen shown in Fig. 6, Plate A, is the tip of a tail, and appears to be either
badger's hair or an imitation of badger's hair. (In European countries badger's hair
is a favourite protection for horses.)

Written charms are, of course, commonly used. Fig. 7, Plate A, shows a
string of beads (dark blue, light blue, white, and colourless) and small bells, to which
a leather case containing a written charm is attached ; it was formerly worn by a
donkey. The heart-shaped, cloth-covered object of Fig. 5, Plate A, probably contains
a written charm, or, possibly, some substance considered to be protective or medicinal.

Metal chains, with bells and ornaments attached, especially crescents and cases
(often empty) like those for written charms, are commonly worn.

W. L. HILDBURGH.

Africa : Congo.
Note on Unusual Form of Tatu. By E. Torday.

Many natives of the Belgian Congo are past masters in the art of ornamenting
their skins with cicatrices, and though the designs vary according to the tribe, a close
similarity exists between them. African cicatrization falls into two main groups ;

Torday.

2

in the first are those scars which, by artificially retarding the healing process are
made to form raised knobs above the surface of the skin ; these knobs are invariably
darker in colour than the surrounding skin. The second class consists of small, faint
scars, produced by removing a small, approximately circular portion of the cuticle ;
these when healed" form slight depressions, and are usually of a lighter tint than the
rest of the skin. This second class of scarification is less common, and is found
principally among the Batetela. But a third class exists, although it has not as
yet attracted much notice. Among the Bena Lulua, a Baluba people, the practice
is followed of scoring lines in the skin, to form curvilinear patterns of greater or
less complication, which do not project above the skin surface. This method is of
particular interest, since practically the only parallel is furnished by the Maori
of New Zealand. The accompanying drawing, by Mr. Norman Hardy, shows the
design, produced by the above method, on a man of this tribe.

Women only scar their abdomen in this way ; some females, however, have scars
similar to those of men in the face.

r 3 ]

No. 3.] MAN. [1913.

Africa, East. Beech.

The Sacred Fig-tree of the A-Kikuyu of East Africa. By Mervyn

W. H. Beech, M.A.

The mugumu, a species of ficus akin to the cafensis, which has not yet been
definitely determined, is the sacred fig-tree of the A-Kikuyu. It is found growing
either by itself or as a parasite, and its most noticeable feature is the fact that, if
an incision be made in its bark, a white, sticky, rubber-like fluid exudes. From the
likeness of this fluid to milk can be traced the origin of the sanctity of the tree.

It is said that Ngai (God) dwells in the clouds above, although it is distinctly
stated that his abode is not within it. A Mu-Kikuyu described the tree to me as
"the child of God."

These fig-trees are by no means uncommon, but only comparatively few of them
are sacred. In the location of the Patriarch Kioi wa Nagi, in the Dagoreti district
near Nairobi, there are only two sacred fig-trees. One of these, at Mbagathi river>
is a parasite on a tree called ithare, whilst the other is situated at Mbuthi, and is
growing by itself. The actual piece of ground from which this mugumu springs is
called Wamboi, which, again, is a very common woman's name in Kikuyu.

The question arises as to why some mugumu are sacred and others not. The
only answer obtained was that all are potentially sacred, but that the special one*
favoured of Ngai are only found out by testing them all. If the prayers that are
uttered beneath them are answered doubtless Ngai is at hand, but if they are not
heard it is obvious that Ngai cannot be present, and that the tree, therefore, is not
sacred. Great height is one of the necessary peculiarities of a sacred mugumu \ for
doubtless the higher the tree the nearer it is to Ngai. Its sanctity cannot be decided
in accordance with the particular tree on which the fig-tree has decided to bestow
its favours, for, as we have seen, it can be sacred irrespective of whether it be a
parasite or no.

The mugumu, then, is a medium through which prayers ascend to Ngai. Beneath
its leafy branches men pray for riches and women that they may bear offspring.
Under its kindly shade men pray for the blessings of rain, without which their crops
will not grow, nor will there be fresh green grass for their cattle and sheep, and
without which nothing but stanvation faces them.

Candidates for circumcision on the day before the ceremony that makes them
fully and finally adults, break off branches of its leaves and take them to the house
where the operation is to take place ; for its magic leaves will ensure fertility not
only to the women and men but also to their cattle, sheep and goats.

It was first, I believe, discovered by Mr. C. W. Hobley that to ensure pregnancy
women smear themselves with the milky juice of the tree. This they do from the
feet upwards, finishing on the crowns of their heads. To ensure fertility to the
cattle, sheep, and goats, fat is mixed with the milk of the tree. This is then sprinkled
on the tree-trunk, and at the same time on the flocks, which have previously been
driven underneath the tree for the purpose. For the same reason men also gather
the leaves of the tree and sleep upon them, the fertility apparently passing from the
leaves to themselves and from themselves to their flocks.

To " make it more likely that a request be granted " sacrifices are made under
the tree and goats or sheep are slaughtered. The sacrificer and his friends eat half
or more of the meat and leave the rest. Only it is obligatory to leave the breast :
sometimes, however, the head and tongue are also bestowed upon Ngai. The fat
and blood is sprinkled about and native beer (njohf) is poured on the tree-trunk. It
is not permissible for the sacrificer to return and see whether the feast has been
consumed by the hungry god or no.

[ 4 ]

1913.] MAN. [No. 3.

Thus it is that the mugumu is credited with having an enormous influence on
births both of men and animals. It is a manifestation of Ngai as a divinity of
fertility.

Originally it is probable that only requests for fertility were addressed to the
tree. Nowadays its functions would appear to be extended. All tribal disputes are
arbitrated upon by eight Elders, of whom four are chosen by each litigant, provided
these Elders have passed the necessary wisdom test and been admitted to one of
the various grades of Athuri or Elders. These Elders repair to the mugumu and
slaughter there a sheep or a goat (provided by the parties to the suit) in order
apparently that their wits may be sharpened and become "fertile." The litigation,
however, does not take place under the sacred tree. This arbitration board is called
the kiama, a word equivalent to the Swahili kikoa and meaning a " gathering."

In view of the above properties of the tree it is interesting to note with reference
to Professor Frazer's Golden Bough (third edition, Part I, Vol. II, pp. 249-251),
that its wood was, before the introduction of matches, used for making fire. Indeed,
it is still so used on one occasion at any rate to the exclusion of all other fire.

The wood of the mugumu is used for the fire drill, but whereas one is told that
mtarakive (Juniperus procera), mchasa (a species of vernonia), murika murinditi
can be used as either the female, i.e., the passive stick of the fire drill or for the
male or active stick, the mugumu, is essentially female, and may on no account
be used as the male. This is rather the opposite of what one would expect ; but
presumably in this case it is the voluptuous female who stretches forth her eager
arms to embrace the reluctant male : for the male cannot but be unwilling, since
once he has yielded to that fatal embrace his ultimate portion is death. There is
just a possibility that the male and female tradition was borrowed, as indeed were many
other customs, notably a method of circumcision, by the A-Kikuyu from their neigh-
bours the Masai ; for, although the A-Kikuyu refer to the sticks definitely as the
male and female, we find that the Kikuyu word for the male or active stick to be
gethi-gethi or rurindi, and for the female or passive stick to be ghika. Now
gethi-gethi is simply a noun derived from the verb ku-getha-getha, which signifies
" to twirl between the palms of both hands." I cannot find the derivation of rurindi
or of ghika, but it is quite certain that there is no notion of sex in either word.

As hinted above, there is one occasion, at any rate, when the mugumu and no
other tree must be used as the female and the mtarakwe (Juniperus procera) as the
male. This is the occasion of kindling afresh the domestic fire after rebuilding a
house. A Kikuyu Elder will have, say, six wives. Each of these wives has
a house. The Elder himself has a seventh. The houses are built altogether in a
cluster. When the Elder has built his new house, fire may not be obtained in any
other way except by kindling it with the firedrill composed of mugumu (female) and
mtarakwe (male). Before doing this a goat is sacrificed and a prayer is uttered,
"Ngai eat this meat and drink this blood, and let not this fire be quenched."

The women of the other houses may take from the fire thus kindled, but on
no account may fire be taken from any of the other huts and be brought to the new
one. The fire is supposed to be kept always alight in at least one of the cluster
of huts. If the fires in all were to become extinguished at the same time the
same ceremony would have to be performed as on the occasion of erecting a new
house.

As far as I could discover there are no traces of ancestor worship connected
with the mugumu, nor are there any restrictions as to who may or may not make
fire from it. Nor again could I find out why in making fire a number of trees could
be used both actively and passively. Old fire sticks — even those made of mugumu —

Nos. 3-4,] MAN. [1913.

are, when used up, merely thrown away ; but, in the case of the A-Kikuyu, time, that
ruthless destroyer of the picturesque and romantic, may have stripped the mugumu
of much of the mysterious sanctity with which it was formerly adorned.

MERVYN W. H. BEECH.

Africa, West : Folk Stories. Talbot.

Two Ekoi Stories. By P. Amaury Talbot. i

The Ekoi live in Southern Nigeria, within the bend of the Cross River, and T

stretch over into the German Kamerun. A vocabulary of their language, a short

grammar, and full details concerning their customs and beliefs will be found in my

book, In the Shadow of the Bush, recently published by Heinemann.

I. — THE EKOI ADAM AND EVE.

Ka edogha ndipp, Obassi aiyemm 'ne num na 'ne-nkai, abopp etim
In very beginning, God made person male and person-female, built hut
akak abaw afaw. 'We atong abaw kpekpe akap ati ma aiyim na onyamm abikk
put them in. He showed them all fruit trees for eating and animals able
aiyim. Man ajak ka osaw. Ane mba abai are ti-ti aka menge njum
eating. Then went on high. Persons these two lived long time knew not thing
aiya ma na ndipp, mfonne-mfonne echiri man 'ne-num asuk kpekpe ofu
to do with secret parts, most ignorant that man washed every day

ndipp 'ne-nkai owe, atuba se are egyemm, aboba njann ka njinni.

secret parts (of) wife his, thought it was wound, tied medicine on it.

Obassi ojak ofu b't oji ienn abaw, aienn 'ne akisu. Obassi ataw abaw se egyenn
God went day one go see them, saw man washing. God told them it wound
asik. Se abaw agi ka enong, cwe tikk atonge abaw nga aiyima Abaw atak
not. He told them go to bed, he will show them how use. They went
ka enong. Obassi ataw 'ne-num, se kak njum aji ere anaw ka ebun ka
to bed. God told man, he said put thing that is there by the ivaist in
egyemm nkai oa. Kpekpe ebu 'we oiyima anaw. Ka ami ma

wound (of) wife your. All times he (should) do so. In months fete
achingi 'we ako Oiya. 'Ne-num aiyenn oiya 'ne-nkai awwe okifang

past she took belly (conceived). Man saw belly (of) woman his bigger
kpekpe 'mi, atupase are emange. Kpekpe ofu 'we agbe ejing nkemm ka

every moon, thought (she) is sick. All days he cut plenty cuts on

oiya 'ne-nkai. Achomma ajann afu se nonge kui ngun.

belly (of) woman, (he) rubbed medicine hot (he) told (her) lie down near fire.
Agbe ejing nkemm are oiya okwa obak. Ka ofu etad auuma nga
(he) cut plenty cuts was belly grew big came. On day another he wanted how
aiyima oiya awsang. Obassi ojak se 'we ajienn abaw. Aiyenn

to make belly finish (be as before). God went that he see them, (he) saw
nga oiya 'ne-nkai ore ejing nkemm agbe na ekemm. Ataw

how belly (of the) woman was (with) plenty cuts cut with razor. He told
'ne-num se ka-pe anaw oiyemm, se tikk oiyuwi 'ne-nkai na nyenn

man told not indeed so do, he say you will kill woman and good

njum nji 'we afonni ka oiya obe. Obassi amaghe abaw. Ka ami achingi nkai
thing which she had in belly her. God left them. In months past wife
oe aji 'monn. Ebu aji na monni, 'ne-num abup 'ne-kai se

his bore child. (At the) time (was) born child, man asked woman that
nyenn njum nji Obassi ataw na se tukk ebagha. We

(if) (it was) good thing which God spoke of (and) told (it) icould come. He

[ 6 ]

1913.] MAN. [No. 4.

aka menge se are 'ne ga 'we-mfonue. Ka ebu aji Obassi obak. Aiyenn
r/itl not knoiv that (it) is man like himself. At that time God came. He saw
'inonn anong ka nsi, 'ne kpe wat akakummi. * Ataw abaw se kunun

child lying on ground, person even one did not touch (it). He told them to lift vp
yuum 'we aiipp. Abaw aiyimm anaw. 'We atonge abaw nga agyea 'monnr

ivash it (with) ivater. They did so. He told them how feed child>
aserre abaw ebu nji are ka eji jitt awnonge. Asere abaw

he told them time which they are in place one (together) sleep. He told them
nga 'raonn. akui kenn abaw anonge ka eji jitt. Abaw anonge

how child (should) grow up before they should sleep in place one. (If) they slept
eji jitt ka ebu aji, 'monn tikk akpaw. Doghe ka ebu aji ane ati.

place one in time that, child would die. Beginning at time that persons plenty.
Ane raba abai na doghe ane. Ut kpekpe na abonn abaw.

Person these two in beginning of men. We all children their.

II. — How Ox AXD EAGLE PLAYED TOGETHER.

Mfung na Ekum akicbaghe ache. Mfung adaimba abu biji
Ox and eagle were playing game. Ox first hid body (himself)

ejitat. Ekum Aom 'we aienn. Ataw Ekum se berre biji. Ekum

somewhere. Eagle looked for him saw. He told eagle that hide himself. Eagle
aberre biji, man 'we aiyenu. Ekum afibbi biji ka abang Mfung. Mfung
hid himself, and he saw. Eagle flew himself on horns (of) ox. Ox

ajak kpekpe ngum oam 'we. Kabagba ebu Mfung aga se 'we aom Ekum,
ivent all places looked him. During time ox tried that he find eagle,
'we akpini Nsun ataw 'we ut na Ekum echaga anaw achi 'me

he met Ogilby's duiker told him we (I) and eagle playing such game I
mberre biji eama. 'We aiyenn ngam. 'We aberre biji ebe. Nkabikk 'we

hid self my. He saiv me. He hid self his. I could not him
eyenuum. Mfung aji siri Ise ntsii-anyi. Asiri fenne Etuk. Ekun

see. Ox goes told blue duikerbok same. He told also bay duiker. Eagle

akare abew kpekpe obba. Ataw abaw se akasiri

gave them, all hands (shook his hand at them all). He told them to not tell
Mfung eji 'we are. Mfung ajak mba Nkongam, man na Ngumi na

ox place he was. Ox went to yellow-backed duiker, then to pig and
kpekpe onyamm na njaw errong, ajak mbocbi na mbanjimm ataw se

all beasts and dog too, he went up and down told (and) said

" Na-bagha ojea-ochi ! Iruk njum nga iuonn aom ngam aiyenn ka ebu mberre
" How shameful ! Small thing like bird look for me saw in time I hid

" biji eema man 'we aberre biji ebe 'mobikk 'we eyenuum." Asiri fenne Njokk
" self- my now he hid self his I cannot him see.'1'1 He said also to elephant
anaw, Njokk se " Na-echi osiri ngam anaw ? " Asiri ferine ntoii-anyi
so, Elephant said "Reason you say tome so?" He said also so

Ikwi-nyamm, man na Ika, na Ebak, na Nyopp, na Ebi, na

(to) monkey-killing eagle, then to ant-eater, to monitor, to porcupine, to mongoose, to
Nkokk. Nkokk ataw " Kak paw ori. Enn Ekum ekun ka abang ama."
fowl. Fowl said " Do not again cry. Behold eagle sitting on horns your."

Ekum effibbi ka nsi 'we wobi monn nkokk wat akun 'we ajak. Man

Eagle flew to ground he seized little fowl (chicken) one lifted it went. Then
Ekum acbott na Igaw "'We kpekpe ebu wobi abonn nkokk, 'me tikk nwoba
Eagle said to haivk " You all times seize children foicl, I will seize
" agpatim okokk ! " Nan njum nji Igaw acbagha na ache na abonu

" big fotvls ! " Here is reason thin hatvk plays game with children (of)

( 7 ]

Nos. 4-5.]

MAN.

[1913.

Okokk. Ka ebu ndagha-mba Ekum awobi abonn okokk, na agpatirn okokk.

fou-ls. In time before eagle seized children (of) fowls and big fowls.

Ka ebu echinga 'we awoba are agpatim okokk.

In time after he seizing is big fowls. P. AMAURY TALBOT.

England : Archaeology. Carnarvon : "Woolley.

Excavations on Beacon Hill, Hampshire, in August, 1912. /,',/ C

C. L. fVoolley. With a Prefatory Note by Lord Carnarvon. U

[My friend Mr. Woolley having a few days to spare, and the weather for this

year being quite pleasant, we decided to try the camp on the top of Beacon Hill,

Tom u I us at the

"Severn Barrows "

North

FIG. l.

Hants. The results of our operations both on the top of the hill and at the
seven barrows will be found in the paper written by Mr. Woolley.

I may say that the results were disappointing. Most of the barrows had been
opened in former days ; unfortunately no records exist of the earlier excavations.
I remember the barrows being opened by my uncle, Mr. Auberon Herbert, about 1875,
but tuc results of his researches were, as far as I know, never published ; either he or
someone else opened the five larger tumuli. Besides the one opened this year, there
still remains one untouched barrow. — CARNARVON.]

On the top of Beacon Hill is a fine contour-fort ; the vallum ditch and counter-
scarp are well preserved along their entire length ; on the S.E., where a saddle joins

[ 8 ]

1913.] MAN. [No. 5.

the hill-top to a smaller and lower hill, there is a gateway, defended by a return
inwards of the vallum to a small gate-mound on either side of the entrance and
by a single low traverse outside it. Over the whole of the enclosed area can be
distinguished circles of two distinct types ; there are small round sinkings having
a diameter of about 9 feet, and there are much larger rings marked by a shallow
depression forming the circumference, whereas the area enclosed rises very slightly
above the general level of the camp. On excavating one of the larger rings, which
had a diameter of about 35 feet, we found that the inequalities of the surface
were due merely to the upper soil, the chalk floor being more or less level. Just
inside the ring there were numbers of large flint stones, which were less numerous
towards the centre ; the only object found was a fragment of black bronze-age pottery.
It may be that these large circles were pens surrounded by some kind of wattle
or hurdling strengthened along its base with flints ; the droppings of the cattle and
their treading would serve to raise the surface slightly ; the site of the ring-fence
would in time be represented by a corresponding depression. The absence of any
objects tends to exclude the idea of there having been any kind of building on the site.
The smaller circles were hut dwellings, cut down into the chalk. The most
interesting of these had a maximum diameter of 9 feet, a total depth of 7 feet
4 inches, and a depth below the top of the chalk of 5 feet 10 inches ; the circle
was irregular, the walls rough, the floor flat and smooth. The chalk and soil that
filled the pit had never been disturbed ; throughout it produced a considerable
quantity of burnt wood, chiefly small branches and twigs that probably came from
the roof of this or neighbouring huts, while charcoal lay fairly thickly upon the floor.
There were a few animal bones found, mostly of cattle, and a quantity of fragments

FIG. 2.

of typical plain bronze-age pottery ; two fragments came from a large well-made
vessel with nearly vertical sides that must have been somewhat of the type of the
burial urns. A piece of a rivetted iron blade of no great antiquity, found low down
in the pit, had obviously worked its way down a hole or slipped from the surface.

A second pit, close to this, produced much less in the way of either pottery or
charcoal. Its measurements were much the same as those of the first hut. A third
depression close to the highest point of the hill, though apparently a chalk-cut hut
of the same type as the rest, had been re-used. Along one side of the pit was built
a fire-place in red brick and flints laid in clay, while from the filling came fragments
of bellarmine jugs, sack bottles, green glazed pottery, tobacco pipes, glazed bricks
and iron objects. There can be no doubt that this was the shelter of the men who
watched the beacon fire that has given its name to the hill ; probably the Beltane fires
of the Middle Ages and the alarum signals of the Armada were lit upon the same
point, a few yards from the hut, that has seen the festival beacons of recent years.

A mile or so from Beacon Hill, by the side of the Winchester road, is a group
of tumuli known as "The Seven Barrows." Five of these show signs of having been
opened at some time or other ; the two smallest seemed intact, and one of these was
excavated. It had a total diameter of about ninety feet (one side has been cut into by
the roadway) and a present height of some six feet and a quarter. A cutting (Fig. 2)
was made from the X.W. to the centre of the mound. The type was a peculiar one
(see plan, Fig. 1). Round the edge ran a sort of containing-wall of chalk that had been
thrown up against the sides of the earth mound after this was finished. In the case of
the large tumuli there was a distinct ditch running round them, probably marking the

[ 9 ]

Nos. 5-6.] MAN. [1913.

cutting from which chalk had been cut for a similar purpose, but in the case of the
small mound excavated this depression was hardly noticeable. In the centre of the
tumulus was a ring of flint stones, open towards the west; it was about 18 inches
high and 4 feet wide, with a diameter inside of 10 feet ; it rested on the chalk
floor. In the soil round the ring and above it were numerous traces of charcoal,
and a large quantity of animal bones, mostly of cattle, though the dog also seemed
to be represented ; there were also found two fragments of plain dark grey hand-
made pottery, and a small piece stamped with the maggot-like striated ovals that
commonly occur on neolithic and early bronze-age pottery.

Inside the ring, flint nodules were numerous but lay loose in the earth filling
and were not in any sense packed or built ; outside the ring the soil was fairly free
from stones. At the east side of the circular space within the ring, opposite to the
entrance, a tomb-pit was cut down into the chalk floor. It was roughly rectangular,
measuring 3 feet by 2 feet 6 inches, and 2 feet 8 inches deep, and lying east by
west ; its west end was undercut into a recess 8 inches deep and 1 foot 8 inches
high. This shaft was tightly packed with large flint nodules reaching almost to the
floor ; only the niche was filled with cleaner soil. Remains of burnt wood covered
the floor of the tomb, but no human remains could be distinguished ; only on the
floor of the recess was a small bone implement like a very small chisel or awl, the
narrow cutting edge highly polished by use. The fact that many of the flints had
been cracked by the action of fire, and the absence of human bones, are sufficient
to prove a cremation, which was the more usual custom in the south of England.
The form of the barrow is its most interesting feature : the open stone ring recalls
the internal structure of the long barrows, and, perhaps, would make this an inter-
mediate link between the two regular long and round types. C. L. WOOLLEY.

Africa, East. Barrett.

A'Kikuyu Fairy Tales (Rogano). By Captain W. E. H. Barrett. A

THE DRINKING PLACE OF THE IRIMO (EviL SPIRITS). W

Some time ago one of the Kikuyu tribes sent out a large raiding party against
an enemy who lived on the other side of a large desert. With the party went four
brothers, three of whom were great warriors and always associated with it, but
the fourth was very fond of his mother, and this was the first occasion on which he
had left her side. When the raiders had travelled for a long distance they discovered
that nearly all their water was finished, and they found no stream from which they
could drink or replenish their water bottles. Seeing that all were likely to die of
thirst, their leader ordered them to disperse, and each man to find his way back to
his home as best he could.

They started homewards and all perished except the four brothers, who kept
together and had still a little water left. After travelling for two days the younger,
who was in front, found a spring bubbling up from the ground ; he called his brothers,
and all drank from the spring and then filled their water bottles with the water,
which was slightly salt, but better than any they had ever tasted in their lives.
Before continuing their journey the eldest brother told the others to say nothing to
anyone about the spring as it was most probably the property of some evil spirits
(Irimo) and that evil might befall them if they mentioned the locality to anybody ;
he also told them that before entering their village they must drink up all the
water in their bottles or else throw it away, as if others tasted it they were sure to
try and find out where it came from, as it was so good. That evening they approached
their village, and before entering the three elder brothers drank from the bottles all
the water they wanted and the rest they threw away. The youngest, however, only
drank half, and the rest he took to his hut with him. That evening after he had

[ 10 ]

1913,] MAN. [Nos. 6-7.

eaten he took this water to his mother and gave it to her to drink. The old woman
was delighted with it, and told him that he must tell her where he got it, as she
wished to go and get some herself. Her son refused, saying that his eldest brother
had told him not to give the water to anyone, and not to tell anyone about the spring.
However, he loved his mother, and eventually told her where he had got it from.

The next day when the old woman was left alone in the village she took two
or three large bottles and went off to look for the spring, which she at length found.
Having drunk as much as she wanted she filled her bottles and was preparing to
return home when she heard the sound of singing and saw some Irimo approaching
ill the distance. These Irimo had two heads, one like the head of a man, and the
other of stone ; half their body was human, and the other half was stone, and they
had only one leg on which they came hopping towards her. She was terrified, and
throwing down her water-bottles climbed a large tree which overlooked the spring.
She went up to the top and kept very quiet. Many of the Irimo came, drank from
the water, and went off. Presently an old Irimo, with his son, came to drink. The
old one drank, and then standing aside made way for his son. As he was drinking
he saw the shadow of the woman in the water and called his father's attention to
it. His father took no notice of it, but called to him to hurry up as all the others
had gone. The son, however, was not satisfied, and looking up into the tree saw
the old woman sitting there. He pointed her out to his father, who said, " It is a
" human being, I will soon fetch her out of that." He at once started throwing
his knife in her direction with such force that every time his knife struck a bough,
it was severed and fell to the ground.

When she found that she was discovered, the old woman started singing in her
terror, hoping one of her sons might hear her.

The following is the song she sang : —

"In my folly I have disobeyed my son, and the Irimo have come to kill me.
He told me not to search for this place.
I did not listen to his words but came to get water.
My children are far off and never more shall I look upon their faces.
My days are numbered and I shall shortly die by the hand of the Irimo."

Fortunately for her, her eldest and youngest sons happened to be in the forest
not far off and heard her. Both of them were armed with shields and spears, and
hearing their mother's voice ran towards the direction from which it came. As they
were approaching the spring the two Irimo saw them and ran off. The warriors,
however, pursued them and killed them both.

While the pursuit was taking place their mother came down from the tree and
they found her standing at its foot on their return. The elder brother eaid to the
younger, " It is evident that you told our mother about this spring, and thus
" disobeyed my orders ; your up-bringing amongst women has made you talkative
" like one of them. In future you will behave as a man, and associate with
" men." He then gave him a sound thrashing, which did him a great deal of good,
and caused him to give up his womanly ways. W. E. II. BARRETT.

REVIEWS.

Uganda: Ethnography. Roscoe.

The Baganda : their Customs and Beliefs. By the Rev. John Roscoe, Hon. y
M.A. (Cantab.). London: Macmillan, 1911. Pp. 525, with 81 illustrations. I

All anthropologists will give a hearty welcome to the volume which contains
the unique knowledge gathered by Mr. Roscoe, during a life spent among the
Baganda. They will find, too, that the enormous amount of material which it
enshrines neither in 'interest nor importance disappoints those hopes raised by the

No. 7.] MAN. [1913.

papers already published by him in connection with this people. The chief, and
indeed almost the only, criticism which can be made of the work as a whole is from
the point of view of the arrangement of the material. Mr. Roscoe would have made
the store of facts which his book contains more accessible to those who read it
for the first time, had he dealt with the questions of kingship and government
immediately after his general description of the country and people. As it is, he is
forced continually to make mention of officials whose functions do not become
apparent until a later chapter. However, having regard to the main value of the
book, as a scientific record of an extremely interesting people, this is not a serious
blemish, since in any case it must be read and re-read several times before the total
sum of information which it contains can be assimilated by the reader.

The Baganda are interesting from several points of view. As craftsmen,
especially as carpenters, they have no superiors in Africa, but, owing to some queer
psychological kink, they seem, as Mr. Roscoe says, to be incapable of finishing
entirely any given piece of work. But they are far more interesting from the point
of view of their elaborate governmental system, which is here for the first time set
forth in detail. The number of state officials, some of them hereditary, with special
functions and privileges, is enormous, and many of the posts they hold owe their origin
to some incident of past history. A system such as this is not unknown in Africa,
but has been found in most places where a strong cohesive kingdom has arisen, as
among the Bini, Bushongo, and Balunda. But Mr. Roscoe's description is by far
the most minute which has ever been published relative to a native state, and shows
how far the native of Africa can go in the building up of an elaborate political
system — far beyond what was ever suspected in the earlier stages of our knowledge
of African ethnography. The social system is hardly less interesting. The people
are divided into clans, which have each their peculiar privileges and restrictions.
A man belongs to his father's clan, unless he be a member of the royal family, in
which case he belongs to his mother's. No marriages may be contracted within
the clan, with one exception, and the exception can be explained by the fact that
the clan in which such unions are permissible consists of two divisions claiming
different origins. Beyond this, a man may not marry into his mother's clan, though
his son not only may, but must, if he takes a second wife, seek her in the clan
of his maternal grandmother. Since a man belongs to his father's clan, legitimacy
is of great importance, and certain ceremonies are described which have as their
object the proof of a child's legitimacy before he is accepted by the clan of his
father. In such ceremonies the child's umbilical cord, carefully preserved, plays the
most important part.

The religion of the people is composed of two elements, ancestor-worship and
nature-worship. Certain great gods are venerated, but belong to the first class, since
they are probably in all cases deified heroes ; the shades of departed kings are of
great importance, and since the spirit of a man is supposed to have a peculiar affinity
with his jawbone, the royal jawbones are provided with separate temples and officiating
ministers. The second class is represented by a number of gods, or rather spirits,
attached to particular localities and objects, such as hills and trees, and it may be
mentioned in passing that a hill under the protection of a spirit is regarded as a
sanctuary which even the king dare not violate. Some of these spirits are animal
spirits, and it is interesting that the Baganda believe that certain animals after death
become ghosts with power to inflict evil. The sheep is one of these, and the man
who kills a sheep must strike the animal on the head from behind so that it cannot
see him. otherwise it is believed the ghost would cause him to fall ill and die. Many
of the gods claim human sacrifices, which in the old days were offered in great
numbers. One feature of Baganda sacrifice is the frequency with which the victim,

[ 12 ]

1913.] MAN. [Nos. 7-8.

as it were, marks himself out for slaughter by the performance of some act for which
an opportunity is deliberately offered him. Thus, at the end of a feast commemorating
the king's accession, when the drums are removed one is left behind. Someone in
the crowd notices the apparent oversight, and runs after the drummers with the
instrument ; he is rewarded by being sacrificed to the spirit of the drum, and his
armbones are made into drumsticks for it. It is impossible to do more than indicate
roughly the great wealth of detail which the book contains, but one feature may
be mentioned, in which a peculiar resemblance exists between the insignia of royalty
in Uganda and Lunda. The bracelet, Lucano, which the sovereigns of Lunda alone
might wear, and which was composed of human sinews, is well known ; but Mr. Roscoe
is probably the first to note the fact that, at the accession of a king in Uganda, one
of the chiefs sets aside one of his sons, who is afterwards killed, and from whose
back sinews two anklets are made for royal wear.

Mr. Roscoe is a careful observer, and the book which he has written will rank
high among anthropological treatises, while as far as the Baganda are concerned it
must remain a classic. T. A. J.

Archaeology. Abercromby.

A Study of the Bronze Age Pottery of Great Britain and Ireland and its Q
associated Grave Goods. By Hon. John Abercromby, LL.D. Two vols. U
33 x 24 cm. Oxford, 1912. Price 63s. net.

There has long been an opening for a work that would do for Bronze Age
pottery what Sir John Evans did for the bronzes themselves ; and this important
task has been performed by Mr. Abercromby in a most liberal and scientific spirit.
No less than 110 plates adorn these two volumes, not to mention sketch-maps in
the text ; and over 1,600 specimens of pottery are here reproduced by photography.
Some twelve years have elapsed since the author's views on the beaker were published
in the Journal of the Anthropological Institute, and in the interval he has revised
his conclusions and included in his survey the other ceramic types of the period in
these islands. Such an analysis of specimens from many public and private
collections, with numerous foreign parallels, cannot fail to be of the utmost service
to archaeology, and lead to the solution of many outstanding problems.

The plan adopted is to treat each recognised type of pottery — the beaker, food-
vessel, and cinerary urn, including the incense cup — in local groups, the country being
divided into several well-marked regions, the general idea being that new forms
were imported across the Channel. These gradually spread northward, undergoing
modification on the way, and (in the case of one beaker type) travelling at the rate
of about fifty miles in a generation. Such precision may appeal to some readers and
be useful as a time scale, but it is easy to lay too much emphasis on such conjectures.
Nor can the author's view of distribution be accepted without reserve, and there are
details in these volumes and elsewhere that might have been developed to advantage.
Whatever the original home or homes of the beaker (for several forms are extant
that may have had a multiple origin), there is good reason to believe that the food-
vessel was of native origin and development, being traceable to the round-bottomed
vessels somewhat rare in Britain but clearly referable to the neolithic period. Mr.
Abercromby's theory is that a foreign invasion from the south drove the aborigines
northward and into Ireland, where the foreign beaker is hardly ever found ; and he
seems to accept the view put forward two years ago in Archceologia, that in course
of time the invaders were either expelled or absorbed, and the food- vessel, derived
by known stages from the neolithic bowl, took the place of the beaker in the graves.
If this is the genesis of a type that is found both with burnt and uuburnt interment-,
the food-vessel should radiate from the centre of these islands ; and Fig. 258,

[ 13 ]

Nos. 8-9.] MAN. [1913.

Plate XLV, from Edinburgh, may be selected to illustrate the transition from the
neolithic bowl to the food-vessel type A, which is rare in Scotland but plentiful
in Ireland. All the types of food-vessel are stated to be broadly contemporary, bnt
the evolution of several forms from type A seems fairly evident. This development
need not have occupied much time ; indeed, Mr. Abercromby assigns both beaker
and food-vessel to six centuries, 2000-1400 B.C., while the first type of cinerary urn
began before 1400, and the urns as a class occupy no less than ten centuries, which
seems a too liberal allowance.

The ethnological side is not neglected, though at present it is unwise to draw
any but the most general conclusions. In spite of the philologists the author dates
the first Celtic invasion and the consequent introduction of the beaker about 2000 B.C.
The brachycephalic strangers are supposed to have had blonde and brown hair, and
to have come from some region north of the Alps, not so far north as Denmark, and
east of the Rhine. They are described as a branch of the Alpine race speaking an
Aryan language ; but this is dangerous ground, and the verdict of the grave-goods,
ceramic and otherwise, is not conclusive on these points. An invasion of south
Britain, the effects of which are not traceable north of the Thames, is also assigned
to Bronze Age IV, but the reader should be .warned that this period is not that of
Professor Montelius (1400-1150 B.C.), but, according to the author's own adaptation
of that system, about 900-650 B.C. " Small invasions or. immigrations may have taken
" place in the last few centuries of the Bronze Age, when objects of the Hallstatt
" period were introduced, which have left no trace as regards pottery." Whether
objects of the Hallstatt period imply a Hallstatt period in Britain the author does
not decide, but as he brings the cinerary urn down at least to 400 B.C., it may be
assumed that for him our Early Iron Age coincides with the period of La Tene.
That this is the ordinary view may be admitted, but more and more Hallstatt
specimens are being found and recognised in Britain, and the excavation of Hengistbury
Head near Bournemouth has revealed a quantity of pottery that seems to be allied
to the Lausitz series and referable to the Hallstatt period. In fact, the author
regards the globular cinerary urn as an offshoot of the Lausitz group of central
Europe, and notices details reminiscent of other forms best exemplified in Saxony.
As the globular urn is a southern form, we may here recognise the settlement of
" new tribes, perhaps about 700 B.C., who introduced a new form of entrenchment
" (nearly square) and brought novel forms of pottery with them. They appear to
" have been a poor people taking refuge in Britain . . . and were likely enough
" akin to the Gauls of a later period, but there is no evidence to show that they
" ever conquered Britain or ever extended north of the Thames valley."

Many tables of finds and inventories of the leading types imply a vast amount
of research, and will be of permanent value to the student"; but here and there
irrelevant matter is introduced that may impair the author's authority with those who
cannot easily distinguish fact from theory. In volumes so loaded with references a
few misprints will be readily pardoned ; but the index, which is generally a leading
feature of our archreological works, is hardly adequate, and the reader who does not
take the precaution of grouping the various types for himself, ;nay easily lose his
way among the illustrations, which are, however, admirable reproductions and con-
stitute a museum in themselves. R. A. S.

Anthropology. Marett.

Anthropology. By R. R. Marett, M.A. London : Williams and Norgate. Q

Is. net. . U

This is a delightful book — delightful, because it fully covers the subject it sets

out to discuss — but its title might rather have been " An Introduction to the Science

" of Anthropology " for such it is. It touches the whole vast fabric of the science,

[ 14 ]

1913.] MAN. [No. 9.

indicativi'ly. suggestively, and herein is the rareness of its quality. Even in these
days it is not common to find a specialist who does not attempt to fit his facts to hi>
theory, but here we have an author who, in every sentence, makes it clear that he
carries an open mind. In his eyes dogmatism is always a danger. He has no illusion-.
yet he treats all things with reverence ; for what illumination even their negative -idc
may throw on the general topic it is refreshing to thus come across a writer who
sees things in perspective, who is ready everywhere to make the reader feel that there
may be surer ground than the position now occupied ; in a word, that anthropology is
essentially a progressive science.

The key-note of this book is that "there shall not be one kind of history for
" savages and another for ourselves, but the same kind of history, with the same
" evolutionary principle running right through it, for all men, civilised and savage,
" present and past." In a word, anthropology is a specialisation on man in the
'• larger particular group of living beings." Man is not a thing apart in nature, and
all that pertains to him can only be adequately comprehended when the relations of
the whole are taken into review together.

Thus it is that the science of anthropology must draw from many sciences, and
an education in it, to .be complete, must include all those which have any bearing
on the history of our earth and the environmental factors, physical, moral, or social,
affecting human existence. . '* The administrator Avho rules over savages is almost
'* invariably quite well-meaning, but not seldom utterly ignorant of native customs
" and beliefs. So, in many cases, is the missionary, another type of person of
" authority, whose intentions are of the best, but whose methods too often leave
" much to be desired. . . . Scientific insight into the conditions of the practical
" problem will alone suffice." Nevertheless there is hope that "in the days to come
" . . anthropological science may indirectly, though none the less effectively,

" subserve an art of political and religious healing. ' The history of religion,'

*' once exclaimed Dr. Fraser, ' is a long attempt to reconcile old custom with new
44 ' reason, to find a sound theory for an absurd practice.' . . . The religious.
" man has to be a man of the world, a man of the wider world, an anthropologist/'
This wide and truly scientific outlook must apply to everyone who presumes to
intervene in the social and physical aspects of man's environment. " The moral of
" it all is to encourage anthropologists to press forward with their study
" and, in the meantime, to do nothing rash."

Yet the writer is no bald materialist, for he goes on to say, " the full meaning
" of life can never be expressed in terms of its material conditions. I confess that I
" am not deeply moved when Ratzel announces that man is a piece of the earth.
" Or, when his admirers, anxious to improve on this, after distinguishing the atmo-
" sphere or air, the hydrosphere or water, the lithosphere or crust, and the centro-
" sphere or interior mass, proceed to add that man is the most active portion of an
" intermittent biosphere, or living envelope of our planet, I cannot feel that the last
" word has been said about him. . . . Let the anthropologist beware of theories,
*' lest . . . among them ... he put all his eggs into one basket. . . .
" Let him give each factor in the problem its due."

How broad 'is the outlook of this book, and how little the author allows himself
to be bound by theories, is shown by the following. " Human history reveals itself as
" a bewildering series of interpenetrations. What excites these movements ? Geo-
" graphical causes, say the theorists of one idea. No doubt man moves forward
" partly because Nature kicks him behind. But, in the first place, some types of
" animal life go forward under pressure from Nature, while others lie down and die.
" In the second place, man has an accumulative faculty, a social memory, whereby
" he is able to carry on to the conquest of a new environment whatever has served

[ 15 ]

Nos. 9-10.] MAN. [1913.

" him in the old. But this is, as it were, to compound environments, a process
" that ends by making the environment co-extensive with the world. Intelligent
" assimilation of the new by means of the old breaks down the provincial barriers
" one by one, until man, the cosmopolitan animal by reason of his hereditary con-
" stitution, develops a cosmopolitan culture ; at first almost unconsciously, but later
" on with self-conscious intent, because he is no longer content to live, but insists on
" living well." Unlike the other animals we are not led on by a "force of heredity
" which is blind. . . . Corporately and individually we fight our environment
" with eyes that see in the light of experience."

All that concerns the higher expression of man, his social organisations, with
their privileges and restrictions, his codes of morality and rewards and punishments,
his religious outlook, each in its way a subject for special study, are collectively
part and parcel of the wider" science of anthropology. To detach any of them and
treat it as a thing apart is incompatible with a correct understanding of man himself.
And if this be so, how essential is it that all who set up as law makers and directors
in any one of these spheres should themselves be masters of the principles of anthro-
pology ; for in man's life, as in all nature, everything is at once consequent and
antecedent. ARTHUR R. VYADDELL.

Egyptology. Blackmail.

Service des Antiquites de VEgypte : Les Temples Immerges de la Nubie ; The 4 A
Temple of Dendur. By Aylward M. Blackman. Size 13| X 9| inches. Pp.114, IU
Plates CXX, and a coloured frontispiece. Le Caire : Impr. de 1'Inst., Franc., 1911.

This handsome volume, in which both the text and the illustrations are by
Mr. Blackman, is one of a special series brought out by the Department of Antiquities
in Egypt. The studies comprised in that series are devoted to the description of
temples a little south of Aswan, which are threatened by the raising of the great
dam. They are too technical to appeal to the general reader, or even perhaps to
the general archaeologist, but those who are professed students of Egyptology will
be grateful for the closeness and accuracy of the records.

Mr. Blackman, the recently appointed Laycock student at Worcester College,
Oxford, has produced a book which will add to his rising reputation. It is a very
faithful and conscientious study of a temple built in the reign of Augustus on the
west bank of the Nile, eleven miles south of Kalabsheh. The site has been visited
by every traveller from the days of Champollion onwards, and a certain number of
views and scenes were published by Rosellini, Lepsius, and others, but no complete
description has been attempted before. This is the more unfortunate as the buildings
have been rapidly deteriorating, and are much less perfect than ten years ago. The
Government has now executed such repairs as seemed necessary, and the book now
under review will place the sculptures and inscriptions on permanent record.

Mr. Blackman follows a rigorously scientific method, taking each stone of the
building in order, describing the scenes and personages, and reproducing the texts
in the accepted form of conventionalised hieroglyphic. Whenever the subject allows
it is illustrated by a photograph, and the series of 120 collotype plates is fully up
to the average of such work in quality. On the exactness of the transcriptions
depends the chief value of all accounts of Egyptian monuments. Even the greatest
of philologists have made many errors, and the difficulty of conjecturing the original
letter which once stood upon a blurred and defaced stone is often very great. But
those who know Mr. Blackmail's training and experience, and those who, like the
present reviewer, have seen him at work both in the field and in the library, will be
confident that his copies will stand the test of rigorous examination.

D. RANDALL-MACIVER.
Printed by EYRE AND SPOTTISWOODE, LTD., His Majesty's Printers, East Harding Street, B.C.

PLATE B.

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1913.] MAN. [No. 11.

ORIGINAL ARTICLES.
India. [With Plate B.] Dames: Joyce.

Note on a Gandhara Relief representing the Story of King Sivi. 44

By M. Longworth Dames and T. A. Joyce, M.A.

The accompanying plate, B, illustrates a steatite relief, in typical Gandhara
style, which is of particular interest on account both of its high artistic quality
and of the subject which it represents. The relief, which is now in the British
Museum, was obtained in the Swat Valley in north-western India, and shows a group
of six figures arranged as follows. On the left, on a throne under a canopy, is
seated a king ; his eyes are half-closed, his features drawn with pain, and his head
droops forward as if he were about to faint. His left hand rests on the shoulders
of a woman, who leans towards him with one arm outstretched in a gesture of tender
solicitude, and whose whole attitude reflects the pity and grief shown upon her
features. Before the royal footstool kneels a man with a knife, who is engaged in
cutting off a portion of flesh from the king's left leg ; and behind him, to the right,
stands a well-executed figure of a man holding a bismar. Immediately to the right
of the last is a dignified individual holding a vajra, and distinguished by a headdres-s
of peculiar shape arid a nimbus ; this figure is easily recognisable as Indra (the Sakka
of the Jataka). The sixth figure is also furnished with a nimbus, and is perhaps some
divine attendant upon Indra. Finally, close by the leg of the king's throne is a pigeon,
while the space between the heads of the balance-holder and the female figure respec-
tively is occupied by the mutilated figure of what must have been a flying bird.

From the point of view of workmanship, the relief belongs to the best class of
Gandhara sculpture ; the grouping is well arranged, and the individual, figures are
dignified and graceful, that of the woman expressing a pathos which is not common
in Oriental works of art.

The subject is evidently taken from the story of King Sivi, which is told in
the Mahabharata, book III, chapter 197. One day the Celestials resolved to test
the virtue of King Sivi ; accordingly Agni assumed the shape of a pigeoa, and fled
before Indra, who pursued him in the form of a hawk. The . pigeon took refuge
in the Jap of the king, who is mentioned as being seated upon a costly seat, and
begged for protection, enforcing its claim by the statement that it was a Rishi,
learned in the Veda, and of blameless life, who had taken the form, of a bird. The
demand of the hawk is couched in fewer words. " O king, it is not proper for you
" to interfere with my food by protecting this pigeon ! " The answer of the king
is given at length, and consists chiefly of an enumeration of the penalties which the
Celestials inflict upon him " who gives up a frightened creature seeking protection
" of its enemies." Finally he offers the hawk a bull cooked with rice in place of
the pigeon. The hawk replies : "0 king, I do not ask for a bull or any other meat
" more than what is in this pigeon. He is my food to-day ordained by the gods.
" Therefore give him up to me." The king still refuses, and offers to do whatever
the hawk bids him as a ransom for the pigeon. The hawk then demands a piece
of flesh from the king's leg equal in weight to his quarry. Sivi cuts off a piece
from his right leg, but the pigeon proves the heavier ; he cuts off piece after
piece from other portions of his body, but without result, until, finally, he gets
bodily into the scale. Upon this the hawk disappears, and the pigeon, revealing
himself as Agni, praises the king and promises various rewards for his virtue.

This, evidently, is the story pictured on the relief, which thus possesses the
additional interest of being, apparently, the only known Gandhara representation of
this legend.*

* See Foucber, IS Art Greco-Houddhiqve, p. 270. "Nous nc connaissons pas de version
" gandharienne du charitable exploit clu roi Qivi, Icjuel racheta au poids dc sa propre chair une
" colombe a 1'dpervier."

•\ 17 1

No. 11.] MAN. [1913.

The same scene is depicted upon one of the sculptures from the Amarawati tope
(British Museum), but the details differ, in so far as the king is shown with a sword,
operating upon himself. An interesting feature of the Gandhara relief is the bismar,
held by the central figure, which corresponds very closely to the Madrasi specimen
figured by Ling Roth in the Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, Vol. XLII,
p. 223, a similar bismar appears in the Amaravati sculpture.

The story of Sivi is undoubtedly of early origin ; the king's offer to kill a bull as
ransom for the pigeon would seem to relate it to pre-Buddhist Hinduism, and it must
have been adopted by the Buddhists, who saw in King Sivi a previous incarnation
of the Buddha.

The story must have been a well-known Jataka, but does not appear in the
collection translated in the Cambridge Jataka by Cowell and Rouse from the text
edited by Fausboll. No. 499 in that series bears the title of Sivi-Jataka and refers
to the self-sacrifice of the same King Sivi, who gave his eyes to a blind Brahman,
and expresses also his willingness to give his flesh if required. It appears to be
of great antiquity, for it is the second in the list of thirty-four original Jatakas
mentioned by Taranatha and alluded to by Hemachandra (see S. d' Oldenburg in
Journ. Roy. As. Soc., 1893, pp. 307-309). The same King Fivi plays a part in
other Jatakas, and his grandson is the hero of the Visvantara or Vessantara Jataka,
which often figures in Buddhist art.

The story of King Sivi and the hawk and pigeon is told in detail in a translation
from a Chinese version (see Abstract of Four Lectures, by S. Beal : Triibner & Co.,
1882). In this version the gods who intervene are Sakra (Indra) and Viswakarman,
the Artificer or HephaBstus of Indian mythology, and the women of the palace are
represented as endeavouring to dissuade the king from his purpose. See also references
in Beal's Buddhist Records of the Western World, I, 125, Note 20 : Triibner, 1884.
In the same work, Vol. I, pp. cvi, cvii (under the Travels of Sung-yun, another
Chinese pilgrim, 200 years or more before Hiouen Thsang), the same story is found
located near Peshawar. " Seven days' journey thence the pilgrims arrived at the
" place where Sivika-raja delivered the dove." The figures of birds in Plate XLV, 7T
Bharhut Stupa, seem to refer to the pigeon and crow in Jataka 42, and not to the
legend under consideration.

The Chinese pilgrim Hiouen Thsang in the seventh century travelled through
Udyana, that is the modern Swat, and there found a stupa built by King Asoka to
commemorate the rescue of a pigeon from a hawk by the Bodhisattva, who, as King
Sivika, cut flesh from his body to take the place of the pigeon (Stanislas Julien,
Voyages des Pelerins Bouddhistes, Vol. I, p. 137). It seems probable that the stupa
from which this relii f comes may be that visited by the Chinese pilgrim, and its
discovery may perhaps in the near future be effected by the Archaeological Survey of
the Frontier Circle, now under the direction of Sir Aurel Stein.

The story, it will be seen, was localised in Udyana, nevertheless it is quite
possible that the original country of Sivi (which apparently gave its name to the
king) was really situated elsewhere, and one is tempted to suggest its identity with
the modern Sibi or Sevi at the foot of the Bolan Pass, and with the block of
mountainous country between the Indus and the Bolan, which was known till modern
times as Sivistan. At the foot of the mountain wall, where the plateau country
falls towards the Indus, is the celebrated shrine of Sakhi Sarwar, now a Musalman
saint, but venerated also by Hindus. The shrine is associated with the veneration
of 'AH, and many of the stories told of him are of a markedly Buddhist type. The
founder was a blind beggar to whom 'Ali presented a whole string of camels because
the bread for which he asked was packed in a bale on one of the camels near the
centre. This strongly resembles the Vessantara or Vivvantara Jataka. But still more

[ 18 ]

1913.] MAN [Nos. 11-12.

remarkable is the survival of the story of the hawk and pigeon. I took it dowu in
Balochi verse in 1884, and a translation of it has been published recently.* It is as
follows : —

A hawk and a harmless pigeon struggling together fell into the King's lap, and
the hawk first prayed for his help, saying, " Hail to thee, 'Ali, King of Men, thou
" art certainly the lord of our faith. I left my hungry brood on the bank of the
" Seven Streams on a deep-rooted tree, and have come swooping round that I may
4i find somewhere some kind of game to take to my ravenous young ones. Thou
" knowest all ; take not from me what I have hunted and caught." Then the
pigeon made his petition. " Hail to thee, 'Ali, King of Men, thou art the guardian
" of our faith. This is my tale : I left my hungry little ones on the slopes of Mount
" Bambor, and came here to pick up some grains of corn to carry to my starving
" children. 1 have been seized by this cruel hawk who has taken me to tear me
u open. Now give me not to this ravenous hawk, for thou knowest all that has
" happened."

He called his slave and said, " Kambar, bring me my knife." He laid his hand
upon his thigh. "Come, hawk, I will give thee some flesh." Then he cut out as
much of his own flesh as was equal to the weight of the pigeon, and even a little
more. The harmless pigeon began to weep, " He is not a hawk, nor am I a pigeon ;
" we are both angels of God whom he has sent to try thee, and well hast thou
" endured the test."

This story is identical with that preserved in the Mahabharata, although perhaps
the simplicity of the modern Baloch bard is more effective than the spun-out disquisi-
tions of the classical poet. In the Amarawati sculpturef two or three episodes in
the story are represented, the pigeon in one is seen fluttering into the King's lap,
and in another he is cutting his thigh with his sword. In the last tableaux the
two appear in human form before the King, and it would seem that in the Jataka
version both the hawk and pigeon resumed their original forms, and not only one of
them as in the Mahabharata form of the story. So also in the Balochi poem both are
declared to be angels sent to test the saint.

The story then, originally Hindu, is seen to have been adopted first by the
Buddhists and then by the Mohammedans. Is it possible that it went further, and,
after being carried, like so many other Oriental legends, to Europe, furnished the
root idea for " The Merchant of Venice " ? M. LONGWORTH DAMES.

T. A. JOYCE.

England : Archaeology. Crawford : Keith.

Description of Vase found on Nunwell Down, Isle of Wight. />'// IO

0. G. S. Crawford. With a Report on the Associated Cranium and Femur by Ifc
Arthur Keith, M.D., Conservator of Museum, Royal College of Surgeons, England.
The skull and other bones and the urn described below belonged to the old
Isle of Wight Museum, which has recently been incorporated with the museum at
Carisbrooke Castle. When at Newport the relics were contained in a small glass
cabinet, the key of which had been lost. This was perhaps fortunate, as the specimens
were preserved from harm in it, with their labels. Besides the urn and bones, the
case contained the following objects : — Several flint " flakes," one found close to
the skull ; a round shore-pebble, and a natural flint of much the same size (these
are said to have been " placed on either side of the skeleton ") ; and an oval-shaped
" hammerstone " of gritty rock, probably greensand. The description on the label is
as follows: — "The contents of a grave from an ancient British barrow on Nunwell

* Popular Poetry of the Baloches. By M. Longworth Dames. London, 1907.
f B. M. Ferguson's Tree and Serpent Wornhip. PI.
[ 19 1

No. 12.] MAN. [1913.

" Down, near Brading, I.W., opened November 28th, 1881, by Captain J. Thorp, and
" presented by him to this museum, May 15th, 1885. ... No remnant of metal
u was found in the grave. . . . About 100 tons of flints were heaped over
" this grave." Mr. Hubert Poole, of Shanklin, has kindly sent me an extract from
The Antiquary, Vol. V (1882), p. 119, which describes the opening of the barrow.
I quote it nearly in full.

"On the Middle West Down, beyond Nunwell, Isle of Wight, facing the north
and east, by kind permission from Lady Oglander, the owner of the estate, I removed
about 15 inches of earth from the present surface, on a spot I had previously marked,
feeling convinced, from its peculiar shape (once, no doubt, an extensive mound or
tumulus, but now flattened), and its faint outline of mixed chalk, forming a large
circle, barely perceptible to the ordinary observer, on the ground ploughed up for
cultivation, that something worthy of investigation lay hidden.

" By compass I trenched the north, south, east, and west, when I quickly came
upon a most compact body of flints, so placed that when the whole surface was
uncovered, it bore the exact shape of a large mushroom, for upon examination I
found it equal on all sides, from the apex to the outside of the circle, well pot
together ; in fact, like a solid paved causeway, measuring in diameter 22^ feet, andi
nearly 3 feet 2 inches in depth in the centre of the flints, measuring down to 12 inches.
Under this extraordinary mass of flints, and exactly in the centre of the circle, there
was a round stone (not flint), as if placed to mark the centre, and act as a guide
round which the flints were to be placed to form a proper arch. Close to this stone
was an urn or ' passing cup,' with two handles placed horizontally, the hole in each
handle being so small as to suggest that it was intended to pass a string through
for suspension. It only contained earth and a few chips of flint, and stood upright,
and is 5| inches high and 8 inches in diameter, apparently of unbaked clay, with very
rude diamond-shaped markings scratched on its outer surface. On the left side of
this cup I found a human skull, the jaw and splendid teeth of which touched the
rim of the cup, and on the right side of the skull, above the ear, a wedge-shaped
hole, 2 inches long, and nearly half an inch wide, cleanly cut in the bone, as if by
a sharp weapon.

" Upon further removing the earth, I laid bare the skeleton of a well-grown
man, apparently more than 6 feet high, and buried in a sitting position. Most of
the ribs and other small bones, together with a portion of the jaw, had crumbled
away, the body being so placed and doubled up as to bring the knees level with
the chest. . . . Close under the jaws I found a flint flake, corresponding with
the shape of the hole in the skull, and which, I consider, might have caused the
death wound, having, as it were, fallen out of the skull as the body mouldered away.
The skeleton lay or sat east and west. I could not discover any remnant of metal
of any description. On either side of the skeleton were two smooth stones, the size
and shape of an egg, one a flint and the other a shore pebble." — J. THORP.

I am not inclined to place much confidence in the speculations of the author
and they do not appear to be verified by expert investigations ; but the account of
the excavation seems accurate and reliable. The flints may or may not have been
used as implements. The oval " hammerstone " was very probably used for some
purpose.

The dimensions of the urn are as follows : — Height, 148 mm. ; width of rim,
205 mm. ; width of base, 90 mm. ; thickness, 8 mm. It is made of fine clay, baked
hard, and with very little flint grit ; it is of a reddish-brown colour and slightly
burnished ; where broken the edges are black. It is ornamented with a line-pattern
made by a sharp instrument. The ornament (whose general arrangement can be seen
in the accompanying illustration) runs diagonally in bands of fourteen or fifteen

[ 20 ]

1913.]

MAN.

[No. 12.

roughly parallel Hues set close together ; the average width of each band is ahoiu
25 mm. Round the rim and just below it runs a band (about 15 mm. wide) of five
or six parallel Hues crossed diagonally by shorter ones. Just below the rim are two
" lugs " set side by side and nearly touching ; they are each pierced horizontally
with a small hole just wide enough to admit a lead pencil. They are scored on the
outside with diagonal grooves. They can have served no useful purpose.

I have been unable to discover, either here or on the Continent, any urn exactly
resembling this specimen. In the British Isles I know of none even remotely
resembling it, nor does Mr. Abercromby, who has seen a photograph of it. It is not,
of course, a cinerary urn, but neither does it belong to any type of beaker or food-
vessel. Sir Arthur Evans has seen the urn and does not know of any similar
specimen. Thinking that it might belong to one of the numerous types of German
pottery I sent a photograph to Profesor Giitze, of Grosslichterfeldt, and the following
is a copy of his reply : " An absolutely identical vase from the neolithic period in
*' Germany is unknown to me. But the ornament is similar to that on a neolithic
*' beaker from the district of Aurich, now in the Provincial Museum, Hanover.
*4 The same ornament ^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^
" occurs at any rate
" also in Great Britain
" on vases Avhich are
<; related to the neo-
" lithic wares of the
" Continent, but placed
" by Mr. Abercromby
*' in the Bronze Age.
" A similar form, but
" without a handle
" and with different
" ornament, I have
" figured in The Vases,
" Forms and Orna-
" ment of the Neo-
" lithic Cord-decorated
*' Ware in the Basin
*' of the Saale, Plate I,
" Fig. 28. The provenance is Schneidlingen. district of Aschersleben. The vase
*' is now in the Provincial Museum, Halle."

From this it is clear that both the ornament and shape of the Nunwell vase
are known in Central Germany, though not found associated in any individual
specimen. Both, however, are sufficiently peculiar to justify the expectation of
a cultural connection, and it would seem that we must look to Central Germany for
tbe most nearly allied culture. The roughness with which the ornament is imposed
and the slightly abnormal features of the vase are just what we should expect in
an object made in a strange country by an immigrant people who have not yet
forgotten their native arts and crafts.

This hypothesis is confirmed by Professor Keith's account of the skull and
femur which were found in the same grave as the vase. They are those of an
individual typical of the "Bronze Age race," which appears to have brought
with it into England and Scotland the class of ceramic known as "beakers" or
"drinking cups." In a number of cases in England skeletons of this race have
been found associated with beakers. 1 do not know whether the characteristics
of the race which is associated with similar beakers in Germany have been in-

t 21 ]

NUNWELL VASE.

No. 12.]

MAN.

[1913.

- «0

vestigated, but if so they will probably be found to agree with those of our " Bronze
Age " type.

The Isle of Wight lies athwart the path of every invader of Wessex. Almost
visible from the south (St. Catherine's Head is less than 60 miles from Cherbourg),
it has from the earliest times been /oo

in close touch with France. It is,
however, from the east that most
invasions have come. Coasting
along the inhospitable shores of
Sussex but few harbours would
attract the invader until he reached
the sheltered waters of Spithead,
and there the first haven to con- 'vL
front him would be that of Brading,
where he could sail right up to
the chalk slopes upon its southern
margin. No doubt subsequent
crews landed in the harbours
further • west, • both on the island
and on the nla'iuland. History
repeats - itself when viewed geo- •
graphically ; the Jutes followed -in
the wake of their Bronze Age
predecessors. The Isle of Wight
has aptly been called "the door- *IG- 1-

mat of Wessex," for we can detect upon its shores the footprints of many peoples.

REPORT ON THE ASSOCIATED CRANIUM AND FEMUR. By Professor Keith.

"A brachycephalic skull typical of the Bronze Period. Of a strong muscular

man, aged about forty, and 5 feet 7 inches in height (1,670 mm.). The age is

estimated chiefly from the degree to which the teeth are worn ; the dentine is partly

exposed on the chewing surfaces of the first molars, the last molars are slightly

worn. The condition of the teeth
thus indicates a man of about
thirty, but the condition of the
sutures indicates an older man.
The chief sutures are obliterated
on their internal aspect ; the
sagittal suture is almost closed on
its outer aspect ; the coronal can.
be traced, while the lambdoid
is still open. The sutures and
general condition of the skull
suggests that the man was over
forty at death. The height is
estimated from the femur, which
had a height, in the standing
posture, of 456 mm.

"The general features of the skull are accurately shown in the figures 1, 2, 3,.
so that it is not necessary to give a lengthy description.

"The maximum length of the skull from glabella to occiput is 179 mm.; the
prominent supraciliary ridges project 3 mm. in front of the glabella. The maximum

[ 22 ]

*0

FIG. 2.

1913,]

MAN.

[No. 12.

width of the skull, estimated by doubling the diameter of the right side, for the
left is defective, is 146 mm. ; the cephalic index (proportion of width to length)
is 81*6, brachycephalic. The supra-auricular height is 115 mm., rather a moderate
amount.

"The forehead is marked by extremely prominent supraciliary and supra-orbital
ridges, the supraciliary and supra-orbital elements being partly fused. The forehead
is wide, the minimum frontal diameter being 104 mm. ; the width, at the upper
margin of the orbits, 110 mm. The frontal air-sinuses are of small size — 15 mm.
in height, 15 mm. in width, and 10 mm. from back to front. On the inner aspect
of the frontal bone is a descending median crest of bone, 8 mm. in height. On
the upper part of the forehead the frontal bone is only 6-5 mm. in thickness, towards
the bregma 8 mm., but at the glabella, from the cribriform plate to the glabella, it
is 24 mm. — a high measurement.

" The face is strongly formed, being long and of rather more than moderate
width, with wide, strongly-marked angles to the jaws, and wide, square, prominent
chin. The length of the face from
nasion to incisor point (upper face
length) is 70 mm. ; from nasion to
lower border of chin (lower face length),
123 mm. The facial width (bizygo-
matic), 130 mm. In life he would
certainly have passed as a strikingly
handsome man.

" I have accurate drawings of the
lower jaw, but it is unnecessary to publish
these as the mandible is characteristic
of the Bronze Age people. The width
at the angles is 100 mm. ; between the
outer ends of the condyles, 126 mm. Its
height at the symphysis is 32 mm., its
thickness there 16 mm. In conformity
with the long face, the ascending ramus
of the jaw is high — 72 mm.

" The palate is regularly formed,
its width between the second molars being
68 mm. (a wide palate) ; its length is only 46 mm. The first upper molar measures
10* 5 by 1 1 mm., the second 10 by 11 mm. On one side no third molar or wisdom
tooth has been developed ; on the other side this tooth has been lost before death.
There is no evidence of dental disease, all the teeth being sound.

" The neck was thick and strong and well hafted to the skull. The bi-mastoid
width of the neck was 126 mm. ; its front-to-back thickness, measured from inion to
a point between the anterior borders of the mastoid processes, 73 mm.

44 If a tracing of this skull be superimposed on a long-headed type of skull, so
that ear-hole falls on ear-hole, the outstanding differences between the short and long-
headed people will be realised. In the short-headed people the skull has been
flattened posteriorly, and it seems as if the brains had been pressed to an undue
extent into the pre-auricular part of the skull.

" The femur shows all the characteristics of the Bronze Age type. The shaft
is twisted ; the upper end of the shaft flattened from back to front ; the lower
extremity in proportion to the shaft ; very wide." O. G. S. CRAWFORD.

A. KEITH, M.D.

}£ N AT

FIG. 3.

[ 23

Nos. 13-14.] MAN. [1913.

Borneo and Java. Beech.

Note on the Natives of the Eastern Portion of Borneo and Java. 40

By Mervyn W. H. Beech, M.A. 10

In Volume XLII (January to June) of the Journal of the Royal Anthropological
Institute there is an article by Mr. T. R. H. Garrett on " The Natives of the Eastern
Portion of Borneo and Java."

Two of the tribes he deals with are termed " Orang Tarakan " (people of
Tarakan) and " Oraug Bulongan" (people of Bulongan). These peoples are the two
main branches of Tidong and form the subject matter of my small work The Tidong
Dialects of Borneo (Clarendon Press, 1908). The statistics given by Mr. Garrett are
a valuable addition to our knowledge of the Tidongs, and it is for this reason that
I am pointing out the connection which otherwise is not apparent.

In estimating the total number of the " Orang Tarakan " at about 300 Mr. Garrett
is not quite correct. In addition to those still living on Tarakan island there are at
least 1,000 more in British North Borneo. I was in charge of the district of Tawao
for over two years, and there were at that time resident there about 600 " Orang
Tarakan," notably at Semdong, Kalabakang, and Apas. There is, again, a large settle-
ment on the Labak river, also in British territory. Others are to be found on the
rivers Simbakong and Sibuku, and on the island of Nonockau within Dutch territory.

MERVYN W. H. BEECH.

Africa, East. Barrett.

A'Kikuyu Fairy Tales (Rogano). By Captain W. E. Barrett. 4 J

THE BEAUTIFUL MAIDEX, THE DWARF, AND THE FEATHER.

Once upon a time there lived a maiden, by name Wanjirn, who was so beautiful
that nearly every man who saw her wished to possess her. Many men asked her
to marry them, but to each one she replied, " If you can prove to me that yon are
" a brave man I will marry you ; but first you must travel to a far-distant country,
" where there is a lake, and in this lake there grows a large feather ; the day you
" bring me this feather I will marry you." Everyone of these men had been afraid
to undertake this journey, as they said it was too dangerous, until one day a dwarf
came and asked her for her hand. This man was so hideous that he was called
Hiti (hyaena). To Hit! she made the same answer as she had given to all the
others. When he heard what she had to say, Hiti replied, " The way is far, and
" the dangers from wild animals and savages will be great, but I am so inadly in
" love with you that I will get you the feather you desire or die in the attempt."
When all the other men heard that he intended to try and obtain the feather they
laughed at him, saying, " How will you, who are a hideous dwarf, succeed in getting
" this feather when we, who are all fine warriors, are afraid to make the journey."
Hiti, however, took no notice of them, but went to his hut. That night he cooked
a lot of food, and made other preparations for the journey. The next morning,
having said good-bye to his relations, he set out amidst the jeers of his rivals.

After travelling for a year, and having passed through many adventures, he at
length came to a huge lake full of crocodiles and snakes, and in the centre he saw
the feather he had come to seek ; he sat down near by and ate some food. Haying
satisfied his hunger he beseeched Ngai (God) to help him, and fearlessly entered
the water. After wading in it a long time, he reached the feather, which after many
attempts he succeeded in pulling up from the bed of the lake. As soon as he had
done this, the water began to rush into the hole he had made, and in a short while
disappeared. Leaving the feather lying on the ground he went back to his camp,
where he slept that night. The next morning he returned, and lifting it on to bis

[ 24 ]

1913.] MAN. [Nos. 14-15.

shoulder started towards his village. It was so heavy that it took him two years
to carry it home. When his relations saw him they were delighted, and rejoiced
greatly, as they had never expected to see him again. The morning after his
arrival he carried the feather to Wanjiru, and presented it to her, at the same time
reminding her of her promise. She replied, " You are the bravest among men, arid
*' have succeeded in doing what others were afraid even to attempt. I am proud
** to accept you as my husband." A few days afterwards they were married amidst
much rejoicing. W. E. H. BARRETT.

REVIEWS.
Religion. Frazer.

Spirits of the Corn and of the Wild. By J. G. Frazer, D.C.L., LL.D., 1C
Litt.D. Two vols. London: Macinillan, 1912. lU

The new edition of The Golden Bough grows apace. The last part reviewed
in these pages was The Dying God. Adonis, Attis, Osiris, the next in order, had
been published in 1906. It was, as its title intimates, an expansion of the fourth,
fifth, and sixth sections of the third chapter of the second edition, amounting to a
re-writing of those sections. The two new volumes represent the remainder of the
third chapter and second volume of that edition. The greater part of them is occupied
with agricultural rites ; but with the corn-spirit conceived as an animal the author
passes to the more general discussion of the propitiation of wild animals and other
relations of mankind to them.

Having in Adonis considered the divinities of the Near East, Professor Frazer
turns to Dionysus and Demeter, He carefully traces their legends and rites over the
Greek world. The additional evidence abundantly confirms his previous conclusions
as to their real character ; and he adduces reasons for holding that Dionysus was
originally " a deity of agriculture and the corn," or " of fertility in general, animal as
•" well as vegetable." In the case of Demeter, a difficulty as to the date of the
offering of first-fruits arises upon the seventh idyl of Theocritus. The poet describes
it as taking place in the island of Cos on an autumnal day. Professor Frazer suggests
that it was performed immediately before the ploughing, and in view of the renewed
agricultural operations suspended during summer. Greek gratitude may have been
emphatically a sense of favours to come. But a festival of first-fruits implies that the
harvested grain has not hitherto been utilised. The first-fruits are literally offered
to the god. In an earlier state of society, as the author points out, the crop is often
looked upon as itself an uncanny being, mysterious, sacred, that requires desacralising ;
though it is perhaps going too far to describe it as a divinity. Hence a solemn
ceremonial meal — a sacrament — is necessary, sometimes partaken of by the whole
community, sometimes by the chief or the priest as its representative. Whatever form
it may take, this ceremony it is that liberates the bulk of the crop for the use of
mankind. Can we really suppose that the Greeks forbore to eat of the new harvest
(which was doubtless reaped then as now in April and May) until September or
October ? Of .course, if Demeter were identified, as Dr. Frazer suggests, with the
seed-corn, and Persephone with the ripe ears, the first-fruits may have been offered to
the latter upon the conclusion of the harvest, and a further ceremony addressed to
Demeter may have taken place before the ploughing. Indeed we know that such a
ceremony called expressly Proerosia, was held at Eleusis, and that the Sicilians
celebrated the maiden when the corn was ripe and Demeter at the time of sowing.
It would seem, therefore, that the festival described by Theocritus was not strictly a
feast of first-fruits, but that the tribute of first-fruits from far countries to Eleusis in
view of the Proerosia had influenced its character, even in the island of Cos, by the

[ 25 ]

No. 15.] MAN. [1913.

time of Theocritus. At any rate there is something to be explained, and the meagreness
of our information does not enable us to do so at present.

Coming to the modern harvest customs iu the west of Europe, may I first of all
suggest that the title, de greaule meaur, conferred at Unna in Westphalia on the last
sheaf, is the dialect form of die grosse Mutter, or die Grossmutter, not the Grey
Mother? This would account for the /, and would bring the name into line with
others noted by Mannhardt. On looking at Mannhardt's Forschungen, p. 319, I see
that he does in fact so interpret the expression. Professor Frazer has doubtless
overlooked the passage. Another point, but again a very small one, is that Knhn, who
reports it, limits the custom to the rye harvest.

The best corn in Kent was (according to the testimony of the Rev. Mr. Walter,
Fellow of Christ's College, Cambridge, given to Brand) made up into a figure
called, somewhat strangely, the Ivy Girl. It was brought home with the last load
of corn ; but Dr. Frazer does not tell us what was done with it. Another passage
in Brand seems to throw some light on the question. Under the head of " Shrove
Tuesday" a communication to the Gentleman's Magazine, dated iu 1779, is quoted,
in which the writer, a lady, says: "Being on a visit on Tuesday [Shrove Tuesday]
" in a little obscure village in this county [east Kent], I found an odd kind of sport
" going forward ; the girls from eighteen to five or six years old were assembled in a
" crowd, and burning an uncouth effigy, which they called a Holly Boy, and which,
" it seems they had stolen from the boys, who in another part of the village were
" assembled together and burning what they called an Ivy Girl, which they had stolen
" from the girls. All this ceremony was accompanied with loud huzzas, noise and
" acclamations. What it all means I cannot tell, although I inquired of several of
" the oldest people in the place, who could only answer that it had always been a
" sport at this season of the year." Evidently the custom was in a late stage of
decay. But assuming the Ivy Girl to be identical with the best sheaf at Harvest
Home, as seems probable, we have another illustration to add to Professor Frazer's
list of the close connection between the agricultural rites of autumn and spring. It
is interesting that the sheaf is neither given to the cattle, nor its seeds mixed with
the sowing corn, but it is burnt. Has the ceremony been contaminated with that of
carrying out Death ? The old witch is burnt in the East Riding, but that rite is
performed on the last day of harvest. To discuss the questions that arise on
consideration of this Kentish rite would, however, take too much space to be
attempted here.

In enumerating the marks of a primitive ritual in harvest customs the author
includes as one of them that "spirits, not gods, are recognised." The paragraphs of
enumeration are taken from the second edition, and I regret he has not availed
himself of the opportunity to reconsider the wording at least of this item. Nowhere,
I think, is the corn-maiden, or whatever it may be called, and whether male or
female, whether in human or animal form, spoken of by the peasant as a spirit.
The peasant is probably by no means clear in his own mind what it is, even where
he really believes in its objective existence. It is not to be wondered at, therefore,
if we are at some loss for a term for it. It may be convenient to generalise it
under the term spirit. But I venture to think we should never lose sight of the fact
that this cannot be asserted to be the peasant's view. Here it would have been quite
sufficient to lay down the negative proposition that the corn-maiden and similar
beings of the popular imagination are not gods, without going on to say what they
are, especially as the definition of a spirit given in the text lies open to one or
two objections. When Professor Frazer comes to write that further work on Com-
parative Religion, which he has promised, and to which he alludes in the preface
to these volumes, he may have to find a new definition not entirely compatible

[ 26 ]

1913.] MAN. [No§ 15.

with the one here given. It is clear, too, that if he be right in his main conten-
tion, the heings in question may become gods, a possibility not alluded to in this
paragraph, and this possibility may further affect the definition of a spirit.

He is a little exercised to account for the double personification of the corn as
Demeter and Persephone. But if once the corn (or barley) be regarded as a corn-
mother, as the name of Demeter would seem to show, is not a corn-child suggested
by antithesis ? One would think it inevitable. The puzzle, indeed, is rather why the
personification was not oftener double. It is quite certain that the process would
have been accelerated, though perhaps not (as Dr. Frazer thinks) caused, by the
growth of anthropomorphism. Here and elsewhere he is, I submit, hardly enough
inclined to allow for the vagueness and fluidity of savage ideas. There is but little
correlation in this respect between belief and ritual. The latter is often fully
developed, and comparatively permanent, while the former is uncertain and even
contradictory. The theory of the growth of story out of rite is built upon this
proposition.

All this part of the subject is closed by a masterly summary of the analogies
between the savage rites and those of the European peasantry, taken with a few
additions from the second edition. Dr. Fra/er's method has often been criticised.
There may be — there is — force in the contention of the new German anthropological
school that, until you know the culture of any area or people from top to bottom,
you cannot be quite sure that you interpret a given rite correctly. The point cannot
be discussed now. But at least we may say that when an interpretation is founded
on an induction so wide as Dr. Frazer's, there is a presumption of its accuracy.
Moreover, he has not been insensible of the necessity of showing the relations between
culture and rite, and of putting the reader in a position to judge of the interpretation
proposed. In Adonis he brought before us with singular vividness the civilisation
and environment of the peoples with which he was dealing. He was enabled to do so
because he was chiefly concerned with historical investigations, and he dealt with
a very few examples. In these volumes it has been different ; he has thrown his
net widely. Even here, however, he has been anxious to give us the whole of the
evidence, and generally the very words of his authorities. It is doubtful whether he
has not been too liberal in his quotations and in his digressions. The danger is lest
his readers should not see the wood for the trees. The summaries from time to time
do something to avert that danger. Nor can he be fairly accused of shirking the
weak points of his evidence, or of slurring over its occasional slenderness.

Leaving anthropomorphic representations of the corn-spirit, the discussion pro-
ceeds to the lower animals. First, they are treated as representations of the corn-spirit,
or the spirit of vegetation in general. I am doubtful, in spite of the name Bouphonia,
whether the ox offered at that festival can be shown to have been slain in such a
capacity. The choice of the animal to be sacrificed fell on that one out of the herd,
which, when driven round the altar of Zeus Polieus, ate the barley and wheat
previously laid before the god. Was this anything more than an ordinary case of
divination which animal would be acceptable?

The ceremonial connected with first-fruits is then considered, both sacrament
and sacrifice. Afterwards, with an interesting chapter on killing the divine animal
we approach the general subject of the relations between men and the lower animals,
including their propitiation, the transmigration of souls, and types of animal sacrament.
Is Professor Frazer correct in construing a verse of the prophet Habbakuk to mean
that the Hebrew fisherman sacrificed to his net ? The passage in which it occurs
is, at least in our translation, obscure and confused ; but it seems to me that the
imagery is taken from a Chaldean, not from a Hebrew, custom. The prohibition to
break the bones of animals killed for sacrifice or food is illustrated by custom and

r 27 ]

Nos. 15-16.] MAN. [1913.

also by story. Among the stories we miss that of Thor, who on a journey slew one
night for food the goats that drew his chariot, and commanded his host, a peasant,
to put the bones together in the goat-skins. But the peasant's son broke one of the
bones to get at the marrow ; and in the morning, when Thor by means of his hammer,
Mjolnir, restored the goats to life, one of them limped. The god was wroth, divining
what had been done, and was only mollified by compensation in the persons of the
countryman's son and daughter, who became his slaves. This tale, exhibiting as it
does the god's anger for the trespass and the compensation exacted, would have
been even more to the point than those to which reference is actually made. The
singing rite performed by Kaffir girls, as related by Mr. Kidd, does not seem to be
in honour of the insect pests of the fields, but an appeal to ancestors for aid against
them. It would have been well to note, in describing the Toda sacrament from
Marshall, that Dr. Rivers did not find a trace of it, and so far as this negative
evidence goes the ceremony requires confirmation. In the Bulgarian carnival rites
mentioned, Vol. II, p. 332, it may be suggested that the dressing up by youths as
girls and by girls as youths, and the striking of passers-by with clubs by certain of
the masqueraders are fertility charms not intended to influence the ground, but
the persons themselves. There is another rite mentioned in Dr. Frazer's authority,
but the mention of which he has not reproduced, namely, that on the Monday
(" Cheese-Monday ") marriageable girls do not dare to allow themselves to be seen
alone in the street, for the Kukeri (pi. of Kuker) are going round individually armed
with hooked sticks called Kliink, with which they strike any girl they meet (Arch.
Religionswiss. xi, 409). Mannhardt has collected many similar instances, and there^
can be little doubt the interpretation is the same. Similarly the belief in several
cases referred to in the first volume, that the person who takes a certain part in the
harvest ceremonies will soon be married, seems really to mean that she (or he) will
soon be blessed with children, and is perhaps a case of a fertility charm degenerating
in.to augury. Compare with this belief the rites at prehistoric rude stone monuments,
especially in France, performed indiscriminately by women who wish for children and
by girls who desire husbands ; and the carnival custom of playing at football, the
married on one side and the single on the other, in which the victory of the married
is prearranged.

I will only add to these observations, for the length of which I apologize, that,
in view of the fact that Prof. Frazer's position with regard to the origin and content
of religion has been so often misunderstood, the disclaimer in the preface is timely.
Religion has, and has always had, other sources than anxiety about the food supply ;
and important as are the rites concerned with food, there are others equally important.
The study of them will perhaps take us still deeper down into the hidden springs
of human belief and action. E. SIDNEY HARTLAND.

British Archaeology. Johnson.

Byways in British Archaeology. By Walter Johnson, F.G.S. Cambridge 4 fl
University Press, 1912. ID

Mr. Walter Johnson, an experienced archa3ological writer, has given to the world
a new book on a variety of old subjects. The 529 pages which it contains are
occupied as follows : — Churches on Pagan Sites, 100 ; The Secular Uses of the Church
Fabric, 104 ; The Orientation of Churches, 38 ; The Orientation of Graves, 25 ;
Survivals in Burial Customs, 56 ; The Folklore of the Cardinal Points, 36 ; The
Churchyard Yew, 48; The Cult of the Horse, 44; "The Labour'd Ox," 36;
Retrospect 7, Addenda 3, Index 32.

It will be seen that there is ample room for exhaustive treatment of most of the
subjects, and, if. any of them seem to the reader to have been dealt with at greater

[ 28 ]

1913.] MAN. [Nos, 16-17.

length than their importance requires, he will at least recognise the convenience of
having all the facts and theories concerning them brought together. Every chapter
is obviously the result of much reading and thinking, as well as of personal investi-
gation, and the author's main conclusions will probably meet with general assent,
though differences of opinion may arise concerning details. The following points,
for instance, occur to the present writer : —

The author does not make as much of the position of the church at Stanton
Drew as he might ; Mr. Dymond's plan shows that the chancel impinges on the line
between the " cove " (which was no part of a stone ring) and the great and north-
eastern circles, and, as this was the line of the rising sun, the church was no doubt
intentionally placed so as to block it. "Cromlech" is the Welsh and Irish name
for what the French call a "dolmen" ; but the French, on the other hand, use a word
" cromleac " to denote a circle, or, indeed, an enclosure which may not be quite
circular. This leads to confusion, and it is better, therefore, not to use either
" cromlech " or " cromleac," but to speak of dolmens, or circles, or other monuments
in unambiguous language. The development of the Irish round towers from beehive
huts seems rather open to doubt, as also does the suggestion that churches were
built on a larger scale in order that they might be used for secular purposes ; the
increase of saint-worship, and shrines, and pilgrims made larger buildings necessary,
and, being larger, they became more convenient for holding secular meetings. The
existence of a mounting-block in a convenient position by a church door is really not
evidence that the porch was used as a stable. Finally, as to the orientation of circles
much more might be written by way of supplement to Mr. Johnson's observations
than space will permit on the present occasion. A. L. L.

ANTHROPOLOGICAL NOTE.

Deputation on Indian Museum. A~l

On December 12th a deputation, promoted by the Royal Asiatic Society, was If
received at the Board of Education by Mr. Pease, President of the Board, and
by Earl Beauchamp, First Commissioner of the Office of Works. The object of the
deputation was to urge the better housing of the Indian Museum, at present known
as the Indian Section of the Victoria and Albert Museum, and at the same time to
ask for the appointment of an expert staff in order that the valuable collections
may be effectively dealt with and rendered available to students of Oriental art,
history, and ethnography.

The deputation was introduced by Lord Reay, President of the Royal Asiatic
Society, and the Society was also represented by Sir Richard Temple, Sir Charles
Lyall, Mr. L. C. Hopkins, Mr. C. Otto Blagden, Mr. W. F. Amedroz, the Right Hon.
Ameer Ali, Professor D. S. Margoliouth, Professor A. A. Macdonell, Dr. F. W.
Thomas, Librarian, India Office, Mr. A. G. Ellis, Assistant Librarian, India Office,
Mr. R. Sewell, Mr. M. Longworth Dames, H.H. the Maharajah of Jhalawar, and
Miss C. Hughes, secretary. In addition to the Royal Asiatic Society many leading
societies and institutions were represented. The British Academy was represented
by Professor A. A. Macdonell, the Society of Antiquaries by Dr. Philip Norman
(Treasurer), the Royal Anthropological Institute by Dr. A. P. Maudslay, the President,
Oxford by Dr. D. G. Hogarth, Keeper of the Ashmolean Museum, Mr. H. Balfour,
Keeper of the Pitt-Rivers Museum, and Mr. Vincent A. Smith, Reader of Indian
History ; the Cambridge Antiquarian Society by Professor W. Ridgeway and Professor
Percy Gardiner, the Central Asian Society by Mr. E. R. P. Moon, the India Society
by Mr. F. W. Rolleston, the East India Association by Col. C. E. Yate, M.P., Sir
M. M. Bhownaggree, Sir James Wilson, Mr. R. V. Chisholm, Mr. J. W. Pennington,

[ 29 ]

No. 17.] MAN. [1913.

Mr. W. Coldstream, and Dr. J. Pollen, Secretary. The India Office was represented
l>y the librarians, who are included among the members of the Royal Asiatic Society
given above. Other leading members of the deputation were Sir John Jardine, M.P.,
Col. T. H. Hendley (late of the Jeypore Museum), and Mr. Lionel Gust (editor of
the "Burlington Magazine").

Lord Reay, after introducing the deputation, pointed out that all the facts had
beeii detailed by the deputation on the subject received by Mr. Runciman, and shoved
clearly the necessity that, no further delay should take place in providing a building
which should afford sufficient space for the classification and arrangement of the
collection, and a staff competent to give information to students such as exists in Paris,
Berlin, and other centres. Although the authorities at South Kensington had done
their best with the limited means at their disposal a building dedicated to India was
essential. The acquisition of the London Institution had assured the foundation of an
institute for Oriental languages, which would attract to London students of such
subjects. The museum would be to a certain extent a laboratory of the institute,
and expert guidance for students would be needed. India had a right to be represented
in London on an adequate scale, and the honour of England as the ruling power of
India was at stake. We had past omissions to redeem, and we should prevent Indian
art specimens, which should find a home in London, from passing to foreign museums.
The Imperial Institute was alluded to, and Lord Reay pointed out that India contributed
£100,000, or a quarter of the total cost — a generous contribution, from which India could
not be said to have reaped a commensurate benefit. India, after the outburst of loyalty
to the throne which created such an impression, might justly claim to have a home
worthy of its splendid productions.

Colonel Hendley directed his remarks specially to the value of expert assistance
in the Indian Museum as brought home to him by his experience as founder of the
Jeypore Museum and organiser of exhibitions and museums at home. Without such
assistance no exhibition or museum could be successful. How serious, therefore, was
the position here at the only Indian National Museum in London ! Mr. Stanley Clarke's
services deserved unbounded appreciation, but the work was beyond the power of
any one man. India presented as much diversity as Europe : Nepal and Delhi, for
instance, were as different as Scandinavia and Spain. The task would require the
services of many experts with prolonged Indian experience, yet there was not on the
staff of the museum one person who had ever been in India or who spoke any of its
languages. Nor was the system of arrangement by materials followed in South
South Kensington suitable to a museum dealing with India. In dealing with
collections illustrating Indian religions, for instance, images of brass or bronze were
placed in one part of the galleries and others of wood or stone in another. Muhammadan
insignia were placed with brass vessels simply because they were of metal. The
arrangement was criticised in some detail, and the urgent need of space pointed out,
and a hope expressed that if the London University found fresh quarters the room
occupied by it in the Imperial Institute might be utilised for Indian exhibits.

Professor Ridgeway said that the arrangement of every museum in modern times
must be scientific if it was to be of any practical use, either for the question of races,
history, art, or for teaching purposes. In the case of the Indian Museum there was
only one opinion among those interested in scientific history, that it must be ethno-
graphical. To arrange all the art objects, weapons, implements, and everything
relating to the vast medley of races of India in one section was absolutely destructive
of all scientific use. Also from an artistic point of view to have the products of all
these races huddled together was absolutely useless. With such tremendous diversity,
physical and psychological, moral and religious, there must be diversity in arts and
crafts, and classification must be according to races and regions. It had been iirged

[ 30 ]

1913.] MAN. [No. 17.

that the object of the South Kensington and the Indian Museum was to instruct our
craftsmen, and that to do this the products of every land must be placed together
according to material, but to place an eighteenth-century warming-pan side by side
with Indian Bidri ware or a French carved fan by a Japanese netsuke could do
nothing to raise the standard of craftsmanship. He would submit that it was the
duty of this country to have provision made in the way of building, and above all by
expert officials, that this magnificent collection should be properly arranged and made
available for students from this country or India, or foreign countries.

Mr. Balfour said that he spoke as an anthropologist and as a member of the
teaching staff of Oxford. The material which a properly equipped Indian Museum
might afford would be of the greatest value to the student, the researcher, and
the Indian Civil Servant. India alone might furnish material for a text book on
comparative ethnology. It might be urged that this was a task for the British
Museum to undertake, but no adequate department for the study of Indian culture
and ethnology had been provided in the British Museum for the very reason that
the Indian Museum could fulfil that particular function. He had often heard foreigners
comment on the absence of such a department in the British Museum, and had always
replied that there was an Indian Museum capable of taking the place of any such
department. Nevertheless the Indian Museum was not at present fully adequate to
meet the requirements of the case, so much so that it had been necessary for him
to urge his students to go abroad to study Indian archaeology and ethnology, and
to seek the material for their studies at Berlin, Dresden or elsewhere. A course of
anthropology would be of the greatest value to Indian Civil Service men, and such
a course was already insisted upon by the Anglo-Egyptian Government. The Indian
Museum to hold its own must progress, for there was no place at the present day
for a museum that stagnates.

Sir Richard Temple said that he had been a member of the former deputation,
when two things had been asked for, one that the Indian Museum should be main-
tained intact and the oilier that there should be an improvement in the housing of
the exhibits. He would like to thank the Board of Education for having secured
the first of these objects. What the Royal Asiatic Society now wished to urge was
that the collection must not only be properly housed but that there must be a
competent staff to guide the student to whom abstract study was necessary as a
basis for practical work. The dependence of practical navigation on the work of the
astronomer and the coinage of the realm on that of the mathematician were cases
in point. Similarly the work conducted in the " Indian Antiquary " in investigating
the early history and customs of India had been of the greatest value to the Indian
Government. And the collection must be properly housed for another reason, that
it would attract gifts from persons who give them for a definite object. For
himself he might say that he had given hundreds of objects to the British Museum
and the museums of Oxford and Cambridge, but not to the Indian Museum because
there did not appear to be an adequate place for the exhibits nor an adequate staff
to look after them. On these grounds he would plead as earnestly as he could for
a good Indian Museum in London.

Dr. Maudslay urged the desirability of ear-marking the available space in the
Imperial Institute for the Indian Museum, and for an ethnographical museum of the
Empire, in case of the University of London moving from its present quarters. He
pointed to the congestion in the British Museum, and added that the ethnographical
galleries, which contained many objects of Indian interest, were already overcrowded.
He believed that the authorities of the British Museum would be glad if their
ethnographical collections could be removed to the Imperial Institute. He had
himself spent many years working at the ancient civilisation of America, and had

[ 31 ]

No. 17,] MAN. [1913.

given the results of his work to the nation. He would not go into the history, but
would mention his collection of casts was now resting in the basement of the
Victoria and Albert Museum and was likely to stay there, while Paris and New
York had gladly received and exhibited sets of the same casts. It was evident
that an Indian museum must be taken in hand soon. Time was passing, and
during the next fifty or even ten or twenty years most objects worth having would
be already appropriated, and we should lose important chapters in the history of
human development.

Colonel Yate said that he hoped no further delay would occur in providing for
proper care and arrangement and development of the Indian Museum collections. It
had come into the nation's possession without any cost to the nation, and it was
the duty of the nation to see that it was fully utilised* There was undoubtedly a
staff of experts in the country perfectly qualified to undertake the work.

Sir M. M. Bhownaggree said that he knew that delay in dealing with this subject
had been regarded in India by persons not acquainted with administrative difficulties as
indifference to the interests of India ; but% without admitting the correctness of that
view, it was certainly desirable that the prayer of the deputation should be granted.
He hoped with Colonel Heudley that the Imperial Institute Galleries might be
utilised. He had himself presented a corridor connecting the Imperial Institute
Galleries with the Indian Museum, but it was still separated by a wall from the
Indian Museum. It was possible, but perhaps hardly desirable, that a contribution
might be obtained from the Indian revenues.

The President of the Board of Education, in replying, said that he recognised
that his department had been badly handicapped in dealing with two branches of its
work, the Indian Collections and the Royal College of Art. Both required space,
and the erection of the Science Museum made this especially urgent in the case of
the Royal College of Art. The only space available in the South Kensington area,
i.e., the triangular space at the south-west corner of the museum. This had been
acquired and had been allotted by the Cabinet to the College of Art. It had not
yet been possible to come to any decision as to the Indian Museum. Some changes
of property might possibly be made in connection with alterations required by the
College of Science, and if the London University should leave the Imperial Institute,
the space it occupied there might become available. At present he was unable to
commit his colleagues to any proposal, but the question would come up again as soon
as it was decided whether the University of London was going to move. As to
arrangement of the collections, great improvement had been made since 1909 ; the
system of arrangement by materials was in accordance with that followed in the Victoria
and Albert Museum, which had met with the approval of the general public and the
majority of critics. New premises were undoubtedly required as the collection was
developing and had greatly increased since the Indian contribution of £10,000 a
year ceased. Better accommodation would undoubtedly attract exhibits.

There was undoubtedly some force in the point urged by the deputation that we
should have what he might call " conspicuous showmen with expert knowledge of the
exhibits " appointed to rouse the interest of the public. This was rather for the
future. He wished, however, to impress upon the deputation that an expert who had
great knowledge of Indian languages or hieroglyphic inscriptions, or of Indian art,
need not necessarily be the best custodian for exhibits. When exhibits were once
properly arranged in cases, what was required was a staff properly trained as custodians
of a museum. He was, however, prepared to consider how the staff might be
strengthened so as to popularise the museum further.

He and Lord Beauchamp were agreed as to the desirability of providing a museum
in which the Indian collection might be satisfactorily housed. M. L. D.

Trinted by EYRE AND SPOTTISWOODE, LTD., His Majesty's Printers, East Harding Street, B.C.

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MAN.

[No. 18.

ORIGINAL ARTICLES.

Ethnology. With. Plate C. Edg-e-Partingrton.

Note on certain Obsolete Utensils in England. />'// -I- Edge- 4 Q

Partington. 10

In MAX, 1911, 36, I gave a short description of a few obsolete utensils from
Wales. Since then I have been able to get together some old English household
specimens, mostly connected with cooking and brewing (Figs. 2 and 3). By the
kindness of the Proprietor of The Studio I am able to reproduce two plates showing

Fio. 1.

{Reproduced, by kind permission, from " Ttie Studio" 1906.)
[ 33 ]

No. 18.] MAN.; [1913.

a few specimens in the possession of Mr. Digby-Wyatt (Fig. 1) and the old room in
his house at Westpn-Corbett, Hants, where they are preserved (Plate C). (These
two plates appeared in the winter number of The Studio, 1906, pp. 42-43.)

DESCRIPTION OF UTENSILS IN FIG. 2.

No. 1. "Pot-hook" of iron for regulating the height of the pot or kettle when
cooking. It was hung suspended from the crane. Shropshire.

No. 2. "Lazy-back" of wrought iron. This was hooked on to the pothook
and held the kettle over the fire. By means of the lever the kettle could be tilted
for pouring without having to lift it off the hooks. Shropshire.

No. 3. Fork of polished iron with engraved ornament, for lifting meat, etc.,
from the pot. Worcestershire.

Nos. 4 and 5. Meat skewers of polished iron. Worcestershire.

No. 6. " Peel " of brass, with wrought-iron handle. Hertfordshire.

No. 7. Iron " trivet " for placing on embers, when the fire was low, on which to
stand the kettle. Sussex.

No. 8. Brass " skillet " with iron band under the projecting rim, long iron
handle, on the under side of which is a support to prevent tilting. Shropshire.

No. 9. Iron cheese " taster." Shropshire.

No. 10. Iron hanging candle and rushlight holder, with means for regulating
the height. Shropshire.

These were also used for sliding along an iron rod fixed on the beam over the
open fireplace.

No. 11. Standard candlestick of iron. The stick slides up and down the standard
which rests on three feet. Hitchin, Herts.

No. 12. "Jack-hook" of brass used in the days of open ranges. From it hung
the meat-jack. Shropshire.

No. 13. "Meat-jack" of brass. This contains clockwork, by means of which
the joint was kept revolving slowly before the fire. Shropshire.

No. 14. Iron "meat-hook" for attaching to the jack. Shropshire.

No. 15. Brass "baster" with iron handle. Hook, Hants.

No. 16. Skewer rack of polished iron. Shropshire.

No. 17. 1 have included this with the hopes that I may find out its use. It
is made of a thin band of iron to which are attached at regular intervals eight
sharp-pointed hooks. There are two overarching bands of similar material crossing
one another at right-angles, through these, at the point where they cross, passes a
stout pin .with a circular ring on the upper end for suspension, and from the lower
end hangs a stout triple hook.

I have seen such depicted in old Dutch pictures hanging from the beam of the
living room.

No. 18. Japanned iron tobacco box, opened by dropping a coin through the
slit, and then pressing the knob, upon it is the following inscription : —
" A halfpenny drop into the till,
Press down the knob and you may fill.
When you have filled, without delay
Shut down the lid or sixpence pay."

Baskingstoke, Hants.

DESCRIPTION OF SPECIMENS IN FIG. 3.
No. 1. Sieve used in brewing.

No. 2. Sieve rest or " tongs." This held the sieve over the brewing tub.
No. 3. Mash stirrer.

No. 4. Plug of brewing tub. This stood upright in the tub.

[ 34 ]

1913.]

MAN.

J j)

QSrtfc-g— T>- .- ^

Nos. 18-19.] MAN. [1913.

No. 5. Wooden beer bowl.

No. 6. „ funnel.

No. 7. „ beer cup.

No. 8. „ „ tap, with screw.

No. 9. „ „ „ „ plunger.

No. 10. Basketwork " wilsh " for fixing on tap on inside of brewing tub to act
as a strainer.

No. 11. Faggot fork.

No. 12. Iron-pronged implement ("bale") for fixing to scythe when used for
cutting corn.

No. 13. Reaping hook.

No. 14. "Flasher" for hedging.

No. 15. "Bond" (band) winder; for hay-bands.

No. 16. Iron dibble. These were used in pairs for sowing corn, beans, etc. The
man, using them, walked backwards making the holes, followed by another who
dropped in the seed, filling in the holes with his feet.

All the above came from the neighbourhood of Covehithe, Suffolk.

No. 17. "Grit-bottle" for containing crushed sandstone, applied to the stick to
sharpen scythes and hooks. Anglesey, North Wales.

No. 18. Horn for giving calves draughts. Anglesey, North Wales.

J. EDGE-PARTINGTON.

Archaeology : Prehistoric. Reid Moir.

Flint Implements of Man from the Middle Glacial Gravel and JQ
Chalky Boulder Clay of Suffolk. By J. Reid Moir. |J

During the last seven years I have been carefully examining the exposures of
middle glacial gravel and chalky boulder clay in East Suffolk, and have been suc-
cessful in finding a good series of humanly-worked flints in these deposits. The
specimens are very rare, but I have now got together sufficient to clearly show the
types of implements which were made by pre-river-drift man in this neighbourhood.

1. The Implements from the Middle Glacial Gravel. — These are seen to fall
into four well-defined groups, distinguished by their form, flaking, patination, and
mineral condition. The most weathered and oldest-looking series approximates very
closely to the flaked stones found in the plateau-drift of Kent ; the other groups
show a gradual improvement in culture, the least ancient-looking series exhibiting
flaking of a high order and little or no weathering.

As these flints showing different colours occur in all gravel it appears that they
acquired them at some period prior to the deposition of the gravel.

If the gravel in which they now lie had stained them, it is presumed the flints
would exhibit a uniform colouration.

The patination of flint is supposed to take place only when the stones are
exposed to atmospheric conditions on a land-surface, and it is suggested that the
middle glacial gravel specimens were at one time lying so exposed before they were
deposited in the bed where they are now found.

It therefore seems reasonable to suppose that the middle glacial gravel is in
part formed from a broken-up land surface.

2. The Implements from the Chalky Boulder Clay. — These were apparently
made during the period between the deposition of the middle glacial gravel and the
boulder clay. As the specimens are generally unpatinated and unrolled it seems that
they were lying on a land surface for only a comparatively short time before beino-
incorporated in the glacial clay.

The boulder clay specimens are somewhat similar in form to the later Moustier

[ 36 ]

1913.] MAN. [Nos. 19-20,

(palaeolithic) implements, in that many of them show a plain bnlbar surface,
supplemented by fine edge-flaking, and are markedly different from the various groups
in the middle glacial gravel and from those found in the detritus bed below the Red
Crag of Suffolk.

It is now demonstrated that human-struck flints occur in this latter deposit, in
the later middle glacial gravel, and the overlying chalky boulder clay.

All these beds ante-date by a long period the river terrace gravels containing the
earliest Chellean (pakeolithic) implements. The various specimens described above will
shortly be exhibited in the Ipswich Museum, where they will be open to inspection
by all those who wish to go into this question. J. REID MOIR.

Archaeology : Prehistoric. Warren.

Problems of Flint Fracture. By S. Hazzledine JVarren, F.G.S. flfl

With regard to the subject of Mr. J. Reid Moir's flint experiments described fcU
in the Proceedings of the Prehistoric Society of East Anglia (Vol. I, Part II, 1912,
p. 171), and in a letter to Nature of December 26, 1912, I may perhaps be permitted
to explain that I have been a practical student of flint fracture since the year 1889,
and that my conclusions differ from those of this author.

Mr. Moir's work has not always been characterized by sound mechanical principle
or carefulness of statement, so that one may be pardoned for looking closely into his
methods before accepting his results. So far as the sack experiments are concerned
I do not doubt that these have their value, but if we take them as representative of
natural erosion in its totality, I think we shall be seriously misled. In a stream, a
rain of blows is steadily delivered in a constant direction against other stones wedged
in its bed. Moreover, the nature of the blows differs essentially from those delivered
within the confined space of a sack.

When one comes to consider the work of the sea (and one must not forget that
the sub-Crag stone bed is a marine deposit) one fails to see how any analogy can be
drawn between wave-action during storms and the operation of shaking up a few
flints in a sack held between two men. Further, there are two factors of primary
importance in Nature which no experiment can ever reproduce. These are (1) the
quantity of material acted upon ; (2) the time during which the forces are operating.

In the papers before us certain characters are set forth for the determination of
human workmanship. Having, through the kindness of Mr. Reginald Smith, made a
careful examination of Mr. Moir's British Museum exhibit of chipped flints, and having
given each of these characters very careful consideration, I have no hesitation in stating
it to be my deliberate opinion that these criteria are essentially unscientific. They
are wide generalizations made upon insufficient data on the side of the experiments,
while the comparison between the accidental results and designed flaking is further
unsatisfactory, because the observations of the characters of genuine human implements
are incorrect.

I have put each of these characters to practical test and find that they all lead
to false results. It is scarcely worth while to go through each in detail, but, as an
illustration, one may take the rippling. Of 100 accidental concussion fractures made
by experimental methods, and taken at random, I find that, judged by the theories
before us, forty-nine of them would be proved to be human. Of the same number of
prehistoric human flakiugs, forty-seven are proved by the same method to be natural.

To test still further the question of the relation of the ripplings to the direction
of the blow, I have made a special series of experiments, tabulating in each case
(a) the direction of the blow, (6) the indication of that direction furnished by the
three converging lines drawn as directed in the communications before us, (e) the
strength of the ripplings. Upon analysing these results I found that I had made

[ 37 ]

Nos. 20-21.] MAJSf. [1913,

eighty-three experiments ; fifty-four of these gave an erroneous indication of the
direction of the blow, estimated as directed, and forty-five violated the alleged relation
of the strength of the rippling to the direction of the blow.

The material used in the above experiments represented as much variety as I
could at the moment obtain from the glacial and pre-glacial deposits of the borders
of Essex and Hertfordshire. None was fresh chalk flint. Mr. Moir says that he
has used every kind of flint in his experiments. The British Museum exhibit is
chiefly composed of one kind of flint only. This is unfortunate as it is my experience
that results of the same process differ greatly according to the quality of the material
used.

So far from man executing only what is easy, as stated by Mr. Moir, and Nature
doing the chipping that is more difficult, it is my experience that accidental chipping
tends to follow the lines of least resistance, or, in other words, the " natural angles "
of flint fracture, and that it is man who exercises control over the material in his
endeavour to produce a desired result.

I will not enter into the fallacy into which Mr. Moir has fallen with regard to
the pressure of sand. One must, however, point out that the condition under which
we believe that pressure-chipping may take place beneath the surface is through the
grinding of one flint against another under pressure. The letter-press experiments
described have no bearing upon this problem. The present writer pointed out in 1905
(Journ. Anthrop. Inst., Vol. XXV, p. 354 ; PI. XXVI, Figs. 19, 20) that eolithic
chipping which presents pressure characteristics was generally associated with
scratched surfaces, and that these striated surfaces are suggestive of that movement
under pressure which is required to effect the chipping.

I agree with Mr. Moir upon the importance of studying flint experiments.
Where we essentially differ is that my opponent takes certain special experiments as
directly representative of natural conditions. Of some of these we may spare dis-
cussion, as, for instance, when he gravely tells us that he has reproduced the conditions
of an ice-sheet by seizing a flint in a pair of tongs and dragging it over a cement
floor ! But apart from such slips, I venture to think that in all cases the application of
experimental results to natural conditions requires careful and mature consideration.

In this note I have confined myself to the general principles of flint chipping,
and have not entered into the special problems presented by the sub-Crag flints.

The history of the gradual acceptance of the palaeoliths has been urged in favour
of the eoliths by almost every writer on the subject. But there is a contrary side to
this which has never, I think, been adequately stated. Twenty years ago I was
myself a collector of eoliths under the impression that they were human implements,
and only reluctantly abandoned them after much thought and practical experiment.
In this change of opinion, which was forced upon me by the accumulated experience
of years, I do not stand alone. There are others, including practical flint workers
like Mr. F. N. Haward, who have similarly changed their point of view by a
line of work independent of my own. Possibly Mr. Moir, with the wider experience
that only time will bring, may yet be added to their number.

S. HAZZLEDINE WARREN.

India, North. Tiger.

Customs of the Ouraons. /•'// Augustus Tiger. l\4

I. — CUSTOMS.

. Before entering into the subject of my essay I must answer a question frequently
asked of me, while I was speaking of the Ouraons : " Where is Chota Nagpur ? "
It lies south of Behar and covers an area of 44,000 square miles. It is hilly almost
throughout, scantily populated, and has by far the greater part of its surface covered

( 38 ]

1913.] MAN. [No. 21.

with forest. Much of it is greatly fertile and it is rich in mineral resources, but,
owing to its wildness and want of roads, its natural wealth has not been turned into
account. Coal and mica are mined and exported. Iron and copper are abundant.
The forest is infested with wild beasts, such as tigers, bears, wolves, jackals, pigs,
deer, wild cows, wild buffaloes, and elephants in some parts. There are also various
and numerous poisonous snakes. The country has very well-determined seasons :
hot, rainy, and cold ; the hot weather lasts from the middle of March to the middle
of June ; the rainy season thence to October ; the remainder of the twelve months
is cold weather. Chota Nagpur is chiefly one large rice-producing country ; oil seeds,
jute, indigo, sugar-cane, opium, tobacco, tea, coffee, grain, cotton, dyes, and drugs
and other articles of produce. This is a brief description of the country where the
Ouraons live ; and now, coming back to the proper subject, let us go back to the
original home of this people. The Ouraons are the descendants of the Dravidiau
family ; their language, according to Dr. Grierson, is more allied to Canarese than to
any other language spoken in India. All they know about their origin is that the
name of their first ancestor was Rawana, a famous king who lived in the south.
One of their legends which they recite, when offering a kind of sacrifice to God,
seems to be only a mutilated fragment of the Hindu legend, about Ram Lachmau
and Sita, when Rawana runs away with Sita Ram's wife. Their traditions say that
their primitive home was in the Carnatic, whence they went up the Narvada River
and gradually pushed their way north-westward and went as far as Afghanistan,
where they borrowed from the Afghans the hard gutturals. Finding the country not
suited to their purpose they turned away from Afghanistan and directed their course
towards the south-east, and finally settled in Behar, on the banks of the Sone ; and
here they built at Ruidas a fort to protect themselves against the attacks of the
Hindus or Muhammadans. They were victorious in several encounters, but once,
on a feast day, all got drunk and were singing, dancing, and amusing themselves,
when at night the Muhammadans came, captured the fort, and cut to pieces nearly
the whole tribe. Some, however, managed to escape, and as they were pursued,
divided themselves into two parties ; one of these directed its course towards
the Rajmahal Hills, and now -form quite a separate tribe called Mahli, while the
other ascended the Sone into Palamau and, turning eastward along the Koel,: took
possession of the north-western portion of the Chota Nagpur plateau. The number
of persons enumerated under the head Ouraon at the census of 1901 was 600,000.
As to their profession they are generally all farmers.

Having given you, therefore, in short the history of the Ouraons, I now draw your
attention to their social and religious customs ; but to shorten my essay I shall not
enter much into details. The Ouraons are sociable, kind, light-hearted, and fond of
music, dancing, and drinking. They have no general administrative organisation ; there
is no recognised head of the whole tribe, and the authority of any given man does not
extend beyond the limits of his own village. The only organisation to safeguard the
customs of the tribe is a general " panchayat " of the chief men of a group of villages.
According to the etymology of the word, this should be composed of five members
only, but in practice the "panch" is the whole community represented by its eldest
members, namely, the panch, the munda, the pahan, and the mahto. A " panchayat "
is an assembly of the " panch," or the eldest people of the village, to discuss a question
or settle difficulties that arise in the community. To defray the expenses of these
assemblies they put aside in every village a certain amount of land called pancbayati
khet ; this belongs to the community and may be cultivated by anyone on condition
he feeds the "panch" whenever there is an assembly. In villages where there are
not two parties in continual opposition to each other, the " panch " can be relied upon
to settle questions in the best way possible. Practically in cases where the laws do

[ 39 ]

No. 21] MAN. [1913.

not interfere, the " panch " can decide all difficulties and disputes that may arise in
an Ouraon community. They can settle land disputes, difficulties about inheritance,
marriage questions, adultery cases, and any violation of the customs of the tribe.

Wherever this form exists the people are divided into three "khunts" —the
pahan khunt, the mahto khunt, and the munda khunt. To understand the khunt
system we have to go back in mind to the time when the Ouraons first settled in
Chota Nagpur. The Mundaries were before them. They had cleared the jungle and
made several villages, but there were still many more to be made ; and, as there was
plenty of room for both, the Mundaries did not interfere with the new-comers. These
in their turn began to clear the juugle and make new paddy-fields. At that time
there was no raja in possession of the country, and the Ouraons adopted the same
system as that prevailing among the mundaries. The first son of the first settler
became the munda, namely, the head or chief, and the second became pahan. Later
on the third son became the mahto. According to their hereditary system, the munda
or the first son got more land than the pahan or the second son, and the pahan more
than the mahto or the third son. The munda became the chief of the village as being
the possessor of most of the lands. The pahan became the priest of the village and,
besides his share by inheritance, got from the community four acres of land called
pahnai. This he cultivates to defray the expenses connected with different pujas.
The mahto, whose office was at first that of a village policeman, got also a special land
from the community called mahtot khet. When the rajas began to take possession of
the country they left these three khunts in possession of their respective lands, whilst
the new settlers had to pay rents, and the mahto became the rent collector in raja's
name.

One more explanation about the khunts might perhaps throw some light on the
subject. As they are all the descendants of the same man, namely, of the first settler,
all the members of these three khunts in the same village have the same " gatar," or
family name. Hence we see that they are divided into a great number of groups, or
septs, each bearing the name either of a plant or an animal, as, for example, Bakla=
paddy-bird ; ekka = tortoise ; kerketa = a kind of hedge-sparrow ; lakra = tiger ; xaxa =
crow ; xalxo = a kind of fish ; ofirgora = hawk ; minj = a kind of fish ; bara = fig tree ;
bek = salt ; kuzur = a kind of creeper, &c. These divisions of the caste are called
gotars, and on no account will they allow two people of the same gotar to marry. The
gotar is always reckoned solely from the male side.

We have seen now how the Ouraons are attached to the observances of their
caste system, and I think it will not be out of place to say a few words about the
offences for which the punishment is expulsion from the tribe. These offences
are : —

1. Eating cooked rice with any man not belonging to the tribe, or eating rice
cooked by any one but a member of the tribe.

2. Sexual intercourse with any member of any other caste.

3. Drinking water or rice-beer or eatirg bread with any member of caste or
tribe with whom it is forbidden to do so.

The first and the third offences but partly concern the unmarried people, who can
drink water, rice-beer, and eat rice, bread, and meat with all the aboriginal and semi-
aboriginal tribes, except with Lohars, Ghasis, Turis, Chamars, and Dusadhs. When
a man has been guilty of any of the offences mentioned above he is ejected from
the tribe, and even his family abandons him. If he wishes to be readmitted, he goes
to the " kartaha," who fixes a day for the panchayat. On the appointed day all
the chief men of the surrounding villages are summoned to attend at the meeting.
They all assemble at the village of the guilty man and form a great committee with
the kartaha at their head. They discuss the question, weigh the fault of the culprit,

[ 40 ]

1913.] MAN. [No. 21.

and settle how much he has to pay and give. This depends on the fault committed
and on the means of the man. The penalty, however, is always a heavy one,
especially for the poor, for he has to feed all the members of the panchayat and
the whole village for one day and a half ; and they are not satisfied with a dry meal
with rice and meat but they must be supplied with plenty of rice-beer. And, of
course, on such an occasion everybody makes most of the opportunity. The least
that the kartaha takes for his recompense is Rs. 10. At the last common meal the
man is called and if he has done everything to the satisfaction of the panchayat he
is allowed to sit and eat with the community, not, however, before receiving a sound
admonition from the kartaha.

Let us now turn our attention to the religious customs of the Ouraons. Generally
eight days after the birth of a child they have the ceremony of the " chathi " or the
giving of the name. In this we find an instance of how difficult it is at times to
reconcile the proverbial indifference and improvidence of the ignorant people with
the precaution they take for the welfare of their children. On that day some men
of the village representing the panch assemble at the house of the child ; friends and
relatives are invited. The ceremony then begins ; two leaf cups, one full of water,
the other full of paddy, are brought. The head of the child is shaved by one of
the members of the family or by a relative, and the hair is put in the cup containing
water. Then one of the members of the panch taking one grain of paddy and
pronouncing their usual formula, "Above God, below the panch," drops it in the
name of God in the water, and taking another grain does the same in the name of
their ancestors. These two grains have to meet together. If they do not meet they
try after a month or two for the second, third, fourth, and fifth time. During the
intervals of these attempts a little hair is left to grow in the nape of the neck, and
if in some necessary circumstances this hair is cut, they carefully keep it for the
next ceremony ; for, they say, that if they throw it away through negligence, the
curse of their ancestors will fall upon the child and his head will be bald. If after
several attempts the grains do not meet, they give up the ceremony, and the child
is always looked upon with suspicion, and life for such a child is then very hard.

When, however, the two grains have met, they are satisfied that God is pro-
pitious to the child. They then drop in one grain in the child's name, and one in
the name of each of his ancestors, pronouncing their names. They continue to do so
till one of the grains meets with the one dropped in the child's name. The name
pronounced when this particular grain is dropped in will be the name of the child.
The succession of the names brought forward is as follows : — first the paternal grand-
father's name, then the paternal great grandfather's, the father's, the paternal uncle's,
and the maternal grandfather's ; then the names of other relatives. The paddy left in
the second cup after the ceremony is kept for seed, and what it yields at harvest time
is kept and sown again, and so on from year to year, until by constant progression it
is sufficient to buy a cow or some goods, which in their turn increase and become
the property of the child. This is called " punji," and is designed to be given at
the time of the marriage. In addition to the punji the friends and the relatives who
come to attend at the ceremony give to the child, as far as their means can help them,
either a cow, or a goat, or some money.

All the Ouraon boys burn out deep marks on the fore-arm of the left hand.
This they do to be recognised and be received in the community by the Ouraons when
they go into the other world. The burning of the arm is done in the following way.
A burning taper is placed on the arm and is let to continue very slowly till it is
wholly burnt and extinguished. The ashes that are left behind after the wick haa
been burned are applied to the wound, and any other medicine must not be made use
of. The marks should always be odd ones in number, and as a rule they all have

[ 41 ]

No. 21.] MAN. [1913.

five marks, but some have more. They say that the more marks one has the more rich
and fortunate will he be. Similarly the girls are tattooed in their childhood with
three vertical lines on the forehead and with two on each of the temples.

In every Ouraon village there is a common sleeping hall called " Dbumkuria,"
where all the bachelors of the village must, when not absent from it, sleep under
penalty of a fine. Immediately in front of the hall is the dancing arena, about forty
feet in diameter, with a stone or post marking its centre. It is surrounded by seats
for tired dancers or non-dancing spectators, and shaded by fine old tamarind trees.
During the festive seasons of the year dancing commences shortly after sunset, and if
the supply of liqueur holds out is often kept up till sunrise.

When a boy is twelve or thirteen years of age it is time for him to be a member
of the common dormitory. The Dhumkuria boys form a kind of association, and they
pledge themselves to the greatest secrecy about what is going on in their dormitory.
Woe to the boy who dares to break that pledge. He would be most unmercifully
beaten and looked upon as an outcast. In order, they say, to make the boys hardy
and manly members of the tribe they have a kind of mutual training, in which the
eldest boys of the dhumkuria bully the younger ones and make them suffer all kinds
of troubles and bodily punishment. There is, in fact, a regular system of bullying.
All the novices have to undergo three years' probation. During the winter they
have to get up every day at the second cock's crow and go barebody to the nearest
river, if there is any, or to the tank and have a bathe. The}7 must come back before
sunrise. During summer all must gather firewood for the winter, which they do, but
are not allowed to warm themselves. They must also learn every day fencing, drum-
beating, playing on flutes, and many other things besides which are too numerous to
be mentioned. In all their undertakings the novices are not left to themselves, but
there is one always to direct them.

Leaving aside the feasts and pujas (for to enter into this branch of the subject
would require far more space than can here be afforded) we come now to the last, but
not the least interesting subject, namely, the marriage. The marriage ceremonies of
the Ouraons are very complicated. The boy and the girl have absolutely nothing
to say about the matter, but everything is settled by the parents. The average age
of the boy is about sixteen or seventeen, and that of the girl is about fourteen or
fifteen. When the boy is about fourteen or fifteen years of age his parents look out
for a wife for him. When they have found the girl who they think will suit their son,
they choose a trustworthy man who knows the girl well, and who is very familiar
with her parents. This man is called " Agua," or the leader, and has to negotiate the
marriage alliance with the girl's parents. The father of the boy gives him as a
recompense for his undertaking three pots of rice-bee)1, two hams, and three or four
rupees. The office of the "Agua" is very difficult sometimes, for he is always
responsible for misfortunes that may arise from either side.

It may sometimes happen that the girl is not faithful to her husband, or she is
not well treated, then in such cases they can impose a heavy fine on the man if
they wish to do so. But it is indeed very seldom that such cases occur. When the
Agua has settled the matter with the girl's parents the father of the boy goes, after
three or four days, to the house of the girl -with the Agua and some others repre-
senting the panch. On reaching the house all stand in silence before the door,
when the father of the house comes out and addresses them thus : — " What are you in
" search of, my brothers ? Welcome to you all ; why are you so early to-day ? Where
" do you come from, and where do you want to go now, &c." The father of the
boy then makes answer, saying : " We come from a far region ; we have lost a calf,
" which we heard came in this village ; do you know where it is ? Can you give
" us a helping hand to find it out ? If not we direct our course to north or south."

I 42 1

1913.] MAN. [Nos. 21-22.

This conversation goes on for about ten minutes, and none but the old people can
understand the meanings of their disguised speech. When at last the father of the
girl has given them his assurance they all enter into the house and discuss the
question of the omens seen on the road. If any bad omen has been noticed they
agree that the marriage shall not take place. " Brother," they say, " God does not
" want this marriage to take place, let us not go against his will." If, on the contrary,
nothing unlucky has happened they eat and drink, and a day is settled for the girl's
father to come and see the boy. As soon as the girl's "father arrives the question of
omens is again discussed. Eight days after this visit the father of the boy goes with
the panch to the girl's house to settle the price of the marriage. The settling of the
price is done as follows : — The father of the girl takes some balls of cowdung and
some pebbles (which means that he wants so many bulls and rupees as there are
balls and pebbles) and wraps them in a leaf and passes them to the boy's father,
who opens and sees them. If he is not able to give so much as he is asked he
diminishes the number and passes it back. This is repeated again and again till
both agree. When the price is settled the rejoicing begins. Both fathers get up
and embrace each other, and from that time they call themselves " samdhi." All
the people of the village are invited to the feast, and from every house a pot of
rice-beer is brought, and they drink together and make merry. All this time the
girl has been kept aside, but now she suddenly sallies forth carrying a pot of rice-
beer on her head. She comes and stands in front of her future father-in-law, who
at once takes the pot from her head, embraces her, and offers her a seat next to him.
She remains there sitting during the whole time of the feast. The party returns
home as soon as the feast is over. The marriage will take place only two or three
years afterwards. During that period two regular visits are paid annually by the
girl's parents. A few days before the marriage there is another visit paid by the
boy's parents, in which a day for the marriage is fixed. During this ceremony both
the fathers get up, and in the middle of the assembly join arms, and one of them
says, " He who wishes to cut let him cut ; what is joined with iron can be sepa-
" rated ; what is joined with flesh cannot be separated." Then all shout together,
" It is done ! It is done ! " The ceremonies and the enjoyments of the marriage
day are much more lengthy and complicated.

The marriage of the Ouraons is administered and made legal and valid by the
bridegroom and the bride when they put vermilion on the head of each other.

A. TIGER.

REVIEWS.
Gaul. Rice Holmes.

Ccesar^s Conquest of Gaul. By T. Rice Holmes. Second edition. Oxford : OO
Clarendon Press, 1911. "

Of the 850 pages of this work some eighty are devoted to a discussion of the
ethnology of Gaul, and these it will well repay any anthropologist to read.

The author says that "he need not be afraid, even if he is not a Celtic scholar
" or a professed anthropologist, to form an opinion of his own." With this we
cordially agree, and believe that it is a privilege to hear the criticism of a historian
trained in sifting evidence, but free from anthropological bias, on a subject in which
many of us have formed definite and it may be hide-bound opinions.

In his introduction the author thinks that in general neither Sergi's method nor
cranial measurement, by which he seems to mean the cranial index, is sufficient in
itself, but that the rivals should combine. He might, we think, have gone further
quite safely and have said that the cranial index and Sergi's method combined are
not enough upon which to found a generalisation, for anthropologists are beginning

[ 43 1

Nos, 22-23,] MAN. [1913.

to realise that they must put a good deal more spadework into their subject before
they can speak with any real authority.

When he comes to the question of environment he gives Professors Ridgeway
and William Wright a very bad time indeed. It is quite possible that these poor
gentlemen deserve all they have got in the particular arguments which the author
has picked out, bat to those who know them it is at least doubtful whether they
are the dullards which a reader of this book who does not know their full scientific
record would imagine.

Here perhaps we may justly remark that Dr. Rice Holmes shows a rather needless
acidity towards some of his fellow workers who have come to conclusions different
from his own, and we may instance the footnote on p. 325 in which he says, " the
" absurd but widely accepted theory that the Goidels were identical with the Round
" Barrow ' race ' of Britain is refuted in Anc. Britain, pp. 429-33." It is quite true
that he has made out a masterly case against so regarding them, but those who are
handling and digging up the remains of this people do not necessarily feel that
" absurd " is a happy adjective with which to brush away the facts which make
some of us think it likely that the Bronze Age race or people of the round barrows
may have been Goidels after all.

The literature of the ethnology and physical characteristics of the Palaeolithic
inhabitants, Ligurians, Iberians, true Celts, and Germanic invaders of Gaul, is re-
viewed temperately and thoroughly, and to the best of our judgment may be taken
as a fair summing up of the present state of our knowledge of these peoples ; but
the thing which strikes us as unhappy is that, while these Jong-headed people are
treated with all fulness, the short-headed stock is left with very scant notice.

To-day, as in Caesar's time, the typical Frenchman is a short, dark, round-headed
individual, and the round-headed stock which the author, agreeing with most anthro-
pologists, believes came into Gaul from the East, has absorbed and masked all the
long-headed peoples who were there before they came and all who have come since.

This seems to justify the opinion that the short-headed people require most
attention in working out the ethnology of Gaul, and one could wish that the author
had criticised the various theories of the origin and language of these people as fully
and competently as he has those of the long heads.

As has been said already, the ethnological part of this book is a serious review
and criticism of our knowledge up to two or three years ago, and one which no
anthropologist can afford to leave unread. The rest of the book is delightful reading,
but is quite beyond the powers of the present writer to criticise.

F. G. PARSONS.

Palaeolithic Art. Breuil : Capitan : del Rio : Peyrony : Sierra.

La Caverne de Font de Gaume, aux Eyzies, Dordogne. Par L. Capitan
H. Breuil et D. Peyrony. Monaco, 1910. Pp. viii + 255. Planches et
Figures par H. Breuil.

Les Cavernes de la Regione Cantaluque. Par H. Alcalde del Rio, H. Breuil et
L. Sierra. Monaco, 1912. Pp. viii + 265. Planches et Figures par H. Breuil.

These handsome and finely illustrated volumes continue the series of monographs
on prehistoric caves, published at the expense of the Prince of Monaco. The
possibility of issuing them, as of their predecessor on Altamira, may be said to be
mainly due to the fortunate union in the person of M. 1'Abbe H. Breuil of enthusiasm
for the study of the prehistoric archeology and artistic ability. All the beautifully
coloured plates in these volumes, as in that on Altamira, are from his pencil. The
amount of labour and trouble incurred, the difficulties overcome by this intrepid
observer, and the acuteness of his interpretations, can only be fully appreciated by

[ 44 ]

1913.] MAN. [No. 23.

those who have carefully studied the topography of the caves, and the situation of
the remarkable drawings upon their walls.

The volume on Font de Gaume is in some ways complementary to that on
Altamira. Whilst the latter contains a detailed ethnographic study and comparison
of similar artistic productions among primitive peoples like the American Indians,
Bushmen, and Australians, the authors of the former have devoted several chapters
(X.-XV.) to a study of the representation of animals in palaeolithic art, both on the
walls of caves and in objects found in the floor deposits. The various engravings
and paintings of the mammoth rhinoceros, carnivora, reindeer, the great stag, and
bison are all subjected to a careful and critical survey, which forms, after the frescoes,
the most interesting and useful part of the work. In the Cantabrian volume the
study is continued for hornless deer and reindeer, and birds. A description is also
given of representation of the elephant on rock surfaces in North and South Africa.
The animal most often represented on the walls of Font de Gaume is the bison ;
one little chamber was styled by the explorers Salle des petits Bisons, for there are
no less than a dozen polychromes of this animal on its walls. The figures of extinct
animals are in some ways more interesting. There are several of the mammoth,
though they are by no means so numerous as in the neighbouring cave of Corn-
barelles. The discovery of a complete drawing in broad red line of a rhinoceros is
certainly one of the most striking results of the exploration of this cave. The head
only of another, also in red line, occurs in a different part of the cavern. These
are the only known prehistoric paintings of this animal. The few engravings of it
yet discovered — two on stone from Lourdes and the trilobite cave, and another on
stalagmite at Gourdan — are much inferior as works of art. The authors compare
the paintings and engravings of the rhinoceros by the Bushmen of South Africa with
these Font de Gaume drawings.

As in so many of the French caves containing mural decoration, the paintings
at Font de Gaume do not appear until the cave is penetrated for a considerable
distance, about 70 yards. This leads the authors to devote a chapter to a discussion
of the reasons for the absence of the drawings in the first part of the cave. They
suggest that it was not intentional on the part of the artists to begin their work so
far from the entrance, and recall in support of this view the much earlier appearance
of mural decoration at Marsoulas, Pair-uon-Pair, Hornos de la Pena, and elsewhere.
Reasons are given for the belief that the absence of paintings is due to their
destruction in the course of time. Frost and vegetation will account for this over
only a comparatively short distance from the entrance, say 20 yards. They attribute
it to corrosion of the walls through damp favoured by movements of the air due to
seasonal changes of temperature. Such movements are naturally much less in the
inner recesses of a cave, and at Font de Gaume are reduced to a minimum in the
great gallery containing the frescoes owing to the cavern narrowing almost to closure
near its entrance, a point picturesquely termed the Rubicon by the explorers.

It is somewhat singular the only animal whose bones are found in any great
quantity, according to M. Harle, to whom the osseous relics were submitted for
examination, is the cave bear. In keeping with this, numerous deep striaj on the walls
are believed to have been produced by the claws of this animal. The authors give
an account, illustrated with photographs, of these markings, pointing out how in some
cases they correspond to the row of claws on the bear's foot, and, moreover, at just
such a height as the animal's fore paws would reach were he to stand on his hind
legs facing the wall. Involuntarily we see before our eyes this quaternary mammal
in the cave assuming a position so natural and so often observed in his modern
representative !

A detailed description of the frescoes with two plans, thirty-eight coloured plates,

[ 45 ] '

No. 23.] MAN. [1913.

and a large number of photographs by Lasalle of Toulouse enable the reader to
appreciate the extraordinary decoration extending for 60 yards along the whole of the
left side of the large gallery, a part of the right side, in a lateral gallery to the
right, and in the Salle des Bisons. Among the animals represented are mammoths,
bison, reindeer, horses, and the rhinoceros. The patience and care with which the
authors have carried out their investigation appear on almost every page. Every
engraved line has been carefully and truthfully recorded, and it is clearly shown how
often the figures were engraved before colour was applied.

The Cantabrian volume is mainly devoted to a description of the cave of Castillo,
some miles south-east of Altamira, discovered in 1903 by H. Alcalde del Rio. The
clever pencil of M. Breuil is again assisted by a long series of photographs, which
show the nature of the surrounding country and those parts of the interior in which
the engravings and paintings are situated. The latter are triumphs of photographic
art, being sometimes obtained from most difficult and almost inaccessible positions,
and reflect the greatest credit on the resource and ability of M. Lasalle. Castillo is
a very large cavern more than 300 metres long, and containing a number of chambers.
In one place there are nearly fifty designs of hands stencilled out on a red ground,
forming what the authors designate the Friese des Mains. These recall the similar
designs at Gargas, and, like them, are mostly of the left hand, but they show no sign
of mutilation which has there attracted so much attention. There are paintings of
animals, as the elephant, bison, and stag, outlined in red or yellow, and others, as
the horse and ibex in black broad bands. Polychromes are very few : they resemble
in execution those at Altamira. There are also many engravings of animals. The
authors describe no less than fourteen other caves in this region showing more or
less evidence of mural decoration. Of these the following more particularly attract
attention. Hornos de la Pefia, not far from Castillo, and discovered in the same
year, contains, in addition to numerous engravings of horses, ibex, and bison, and a
tailed anthropomorphic figure with uplifted arms like those at Altamira, meandering
lines, and outlines of animals traced out in clay, covering in places the walls. The
same thing is seen at St. Clotilde d'Isabel, a cave not far from Altamira. These
designs, apparently made with the finger, recall the tracings of arabesques and animals
executed on the roof at Gargas. At Pindal in Oviedo, a cave, situated in a very
inaccessible position close to the sea, contains figures of an elephant, hind, and
bison outlined in broad red bands, and engravings, the most striking of which is a
marine fish 18 inches long, the fins and tail being distinctly shown. With the
exception of the engravings — supposed to be of trout — on the floor at Niaux, this is
the only representation of a fish yet discovered on the wall of a cave. Niaux is
also recalled here by the presence of club-shaped or clariform designs. El Pendo is
notable for an engraving of a bird, an animal rarely seen among these mural drawings,
and by no means common, engraved or carved on objects found in floor deposits. At
Santian are broad linear designs suggestive of an arm with the hand ; other plain
broad red bands have a trident-like termination ; others again are quite plain with
no finger-like ends. It is suggested that these designs represent weapons comparable
to the boomerang and nulla-nulla of the Australian natives. Non-zoomorphic designs
occur more or less in all these caves, and include red dots or discs arranged in series
of rows. They are most numerous at Castillo, where the design termed tectiform is
often found. The authors discuss this design at some length as it is believed to
represent a hut, and compare it with similar designs found in other caves as Marsoulas,
Altamira, and Font de Gaume. The authors of the Font de Gaume volume also pay
considerable attention to this subject, and, in fact, devote a whole chapter to its
discussion. They give illustrations of the huts of several primitive peoples for com-
.parison. The study of [the full description of these designs and the ethnographic

' [ 46 ]

1913.] MAN. [No. 23.

comparisons given in these two volumes will go a long way towards removing the
scepticism at first not unnaturally felt regarding this interpretation. If correct it is
certainly of great interest, for it brings us one step nearer the actual life of .palaeolithic
man, and we may permit our imagination to dwell-on the representation of the simple
dwellings in which the very artists themselves dwelt.

Since the publication of the Cantabrian volume another cave of exceptional
interest has been discovered in the same region. It is that of La Pasiega, near
the hamlet of Villanueva, first noticed by M. Obermeier in May 1911 and since
explored by him with M. Breuil and Alcalde del Rio. On its walls no less than
226 paintings and 36 engravings have been counted — deer, horses, oxen, bison, stags,
ibex and chamois are among the animals represented as well as dozens of tectiform
and other inanimate designs. Most of the coloured figures are in red, a few only in
yellow or black. The explorers remark on the large number of deer with antlers,
recalling the remarkable paintings in a rockshelter of great interest recently discovered
at Alpera in the south-east of the peninsula.

In both volumes the evolution of the mural decoration of the caves is discussed.
Wherever the walls of a cave prevent any considerable number of drawings, some
will be found superposed on others of an older date. This at once suggests a
possible means of discovering the relative age or order of appearance of the different
figures. Evidence of the age of the drawings is also sought by comparing them
with those on objects found in the floor deposits of known age, and with drawings
of similar style in other caves. Opinions on this subject are not unnaturally some-
what fluid and undergo modification as knowledge increases. Completely satisfactory
conclusions can hardly be said to have yet been reached, though the question has been
carefully studied at Font de Gaume, Altamira and Castillo. They must still be
regarded as to some extent sub judice. In the Cantabrian volume the authors have
treated the subject in a very detailed manner, and draw up quite an elaborate series
of stages of evolution. If an attempt is made to state what appears to be most
clearly established it might be said, first of the paintings. The earliest coloured designs
are those of the hand, as seen at Castillo, Gargas, and in a less degree at Altamira
and Font de Gaume. Of the drawings the oldest are those depicted in simple lines
of colour — black or red. Then come figures slightly modelled in black, rarely in
red. These are followed by broad red-lined forms. Paintings of one uniform tint
are a later stage, and finally polychromes appear. These, at first immature, showing
only slight combination of colours, are followed by beautifully finished productions
like the fine polychromes at Altamira and Font de Gaume. Secondly, with regard to
the engravings. Here the linear and animal designs traced in clay are exceedingly
interesting because the authors apparently regard them as earlier than any engravings
on the rocky surface. We may, in fact, regard them as the first efforts in this
department of representative art. The oldest of the rock engravings are executed in
deep broad lines. Later the lines become shallower, and finally are fine and delicate,
and may be combined to form a scratched or hatched surface. The tectiform designs
seem to present a difficulty, for, whilst at Font de Gaume they appear in such a
relation to the polychromes as to place them amongst the most recent decorative
elements, the authors of the Cantabrian volume regard them as comparatively early,
placing them in the second of the four stages into which they divide their evolu-
tionary series. We may hope and expect that further study of this most interesting
phase of palaeolithic art in other decorated caves will clear up these difficulties, and
demonstrate fully the order in which the drawings were executed, and incidentally
throw some light on the fascinating problem of the origins of representative art
among mankind. E. A. PARKYN.

[ 47 ]

Nos. 24-25.] MAN. [1913.

Africa, South. Junod.

The Life of a South African Tribe. By Henri A. Junod. A J

This volume constitutes the first half of the new edition of M. Junod's £•
monograph on the Baronga, the first edition of which was published fourteen years
ago. It must be said at once that the author has given us good measure, well
pressed down, and while no adequate appreciation of the work is possible until the
whole has appeared, the 500 pages or so now issued make it clear that this book
will constitute the most important account yet given of any South African tribe, and
that it will be one of the main weapons in the armoury of all future investigations
into the ethnology and folklore, not only of the Bantu, but also of the Nilotes in the
neighbourhood of the Great Lakes and even to the north in the Sudan.

Further, it has, or should have, enormous importance for all engaged in ad-
ministering the natives of South Africa. Compared with its former avatar, that half
of the work now under consideration is as long as the whole of Les Ba-Ronga,
while everywhere additional details of the greatest importance are given. It would
be possible to write an article of any number of pages pointing out the interest of
the information presented by M. Junod, but even a cursory mention of the most
important would be out of place in a preliminary notice ; it is, however, legitimate to
draw attention to the author's workmanlike device of describing in the preface the
qualifications of his chief informants. Among these was Mankhelu, " an elder son of
" Shiluvane, the late chief of the Nkuna clan, who had been for many years the
" prince-regent of the Ba-Nkuna till the actual chief Muhlaba came of age. Mankhelu
" was the general of the army, the great doctor of the royal kraal one of the main
" councillors, and entirely convinced bone-thrower, a priest of his family, a Bantu so
" deeply steeped in obscure conceptions of a Bantu mind that he never could get
" rid of them, and remained a heathen till his death in 1908." It is obvious that
information collected sympathetically from such an authority cannot be other than
priceless, and readers of this book will join with the author in regretting Mankhelu's
death.

The book is, in fact, so well done that it is almost presumptuous for any one
who has not lived among the Bantu to point out weaknesses, but since the busi-
ness of the critic is to criticise it may be pointed out that M. Junod's use of the
word "taboo" is unsatisfactory (cf., e.g., pp. 44, 45, and 166), while going through
the book the writer continually felt that it would have been easier to understand if
the account of the regulation of public life given in the third part and presumably
to be continued in the fourth part (in the volume not yet published) had preceded
those sections dealing with the life of the individual. These are, however, but slight
defects in a great work upon which M. Junod may be heartily congratulated.

C. G. S.

India. Coomaraswamy.

Visivakarma. Specimens of Indian Architecture, Sculpture, Painting, flC
Handicraft. Chosen by Ananda K. Coomaraswamy, D.Sc. Parts I. and II. fcU
In this publication Dr. Coomaraswamy proposes to produce a series of examples
of important works of Indian art, and judging from the first two parts, each con-
taining twelve plates, the collection will be a valuable one to all students of Oriental
art. The first series is to consist of one hundred examples of sculpture, and in
these parts the specimens have been selected with care and judgment, and the*
photographic reproductions are excellent. Some of them have been published already
in works on art by Dr. Coomaraswamy and Mr. Havell, but the publication of a
series of plates alone without letterpress will no doubt be found useful. The
sculptures from Konarak deserve especial notice. M. LONGWORTH DAMES.

Printed by EYBE AND SPOTTISWOODE, LTD., His Majesty's Printers, East Harding Street, E.G.

A

PLATE D.

MAN, 1913.

FIG. i.

FIG. 2.
BURIAL CUSTOMS IN THE NORTHERN FLINDERS RANGES OF SOUTH AUSTRALIA.

1913.] MAN. [No, 26.

ORIGINAL ARTICLES.
Australia, South. With Plate D. Basedow.

Burial Customs in the Northern Flinders Ranges of South
Australia. By Herbert Basedow, M.D., M.A., B.Sc., F.G.S., $c. ; Local
Correspondent of the Royal Anthropological Institute, London; Hon. Fellow of the
Anthropological Society, Gottingen ; Hon. Corresponding Member of the Geographical
Society, Hamburg, fyc.

Introduction. — As the influence of civilisation advances, step by step, into remote
districts, which had hitherto lent a charm by being classed as "primitive wilds where
" Nature unadulterated reigns," so must ever be lost to science countless treasures
through lack of interest and want of observation on the part of the hardy pioneers,
who, in their determined struggle against drought, heat, and exposure, have, of
necessity, little or no time left to think of noting facts and thus preserving valuable
material for scientific research. The living thus often vanishes from the face of the
earth without a record. In few instances, only, a temporary or permanent monument
remains for a subsequent observer to decipher, and throw but a little light upon
the characteristics and doings of the past. It was a relic of this description that I
recently had the good fortune to discover in the North Flinders Ranges, while com-
missioned by the South Australian Government to examine that country geologically.
With the exception of a small group of semi-civilised and corrupted natives, now
living at the Government Depot at Mount Serle, none are nowadays to be found
roaming about their ancient haunts ; but evidence is at hand to show that, in years
gone by, the country was inhabited by a powerful tribe, which I have elsewhere
referred* to as the " Two-tooth " natives.

Among other things, I found two aboriginal graves during my exploration of
the Ranges. These are of exceptional interest, not only because their particular
method of burial has not been described from the district, but because one of the
skeletons demonstrates, in a very explicit way, some of the attendant burial rites.

Locality of Graves. — Two graves were found in the same tract of country, lying
between Lakes Frome and Torrens, viz., one near Bobmoony Well, about twelve
miles east of Beltana, and another on Mundy Creek, about seventeen miles south-east
of Lyndhurst.

General Description. — The Bobmoony grave is that of an old male aboriginal,
and that on Mundy Creek is that of an aged female. A permanent natural-water
exists at either site ; consequently, there is no doubt that the natives used to select
these places as their camping grounds, and, while they were camped there, the
individuals here referred to died. In either case, the grave had been dug about
one mile due west of the water, and the mode of interment was alike in both. The
long axis of the grave ran due north and south. The corpse was laid on its back
at a depth of about two feet below the natural surface of the ground. The head pointed
to the south and the face was turned to the left, that is, towards the setting sun.
In the Bobmoouy case, the skeleton lay fully extended and, so far as the mutilation
allowed judgment, the same was true of the female buried at Mnndy Creek. The
arms had been laid in a normal, lateral position along the body, but were slightly
flexed in the former case so that the old man's hands rested upon his thighs. In
filling up the graves, the corpses had first been covered with leaves and other
vegetable waste, and upon this had been placed a layer of short pieces of wood
(which, however, at the time of my examination, had almost completely rotted away).

* Vide Zeitschrift fur Ethnologie, 1907, p. 709. The information concerning the practice of
the knocking out of the incisors among these natives was given me by old residents. In several
skeletons that I personally examined there was no evidence of any of the incisors having been
removed intra i-itam.

[ 49 ]

No. 26.]

MAN.

[1913.

Immediately over the wood .restsd a number of flat slab* of clay slate, which com-
pletely covered the surface of the grave. Lastly, earth had been thrown in. No
doubt sufficient earth had originally been used to raise the surface of the grave at
least up to the natural level of the ground, or possibly to build up a small mound

FIG. 1.

to indicate the spot. Time had, however, obliterated all traces of such, and the
surface of the grave now actually lay a little beneath that of the adjacent ground.
No implements, or personal belongings, were found either in or upon the grave ; but
old residents told me that it was customary to lay the spears, spear-thrower, water-
carrier, or other favourite articles, upon the completed grave. It was still apparent
that a circular space, about 15 feet in diameter, had been cleared around the grave and
swept clean. This space, I was informed, used to be inspected occasionally by the
aborigines, for the purpose of detecting any tracks or footprints likely to have been
left by a visiting foe or evil spirit (the so-called " devil-devil "). At the southern
end, that is, the head end, a semi-circular shelter of branches, brushwood, and stones
skirted the cleared space. Its construction was quite similar to the shelter often built
at the head-end of camping places in other parts of Central Australia.
: Mutilation of Body before Burial. — With the exception of a fibula and a few
metatarsal bones, which had been removed to the surface by burrowing rabbits, the
skeleton of the old man at Bobmoony Well belonging to an individual over six feet
high was quite intact and complete. It was not so with the Mundy Creek specimen.
This skeleton plainly showed that the body of the old woman had been mutilated
before it was finally buried.

Although none of the continental Australian tribes are cannibals in the strict
sense of the word, it has long been known that certain tribes, if not all, practise

r 50 ]

1913.]

MAN.

[No. 26.

man-eating when opportunity is afforded. That is to say, no tribe goes out speci-
allv to kill its own kind for the purpose of eating the slain, but if perchance the
body of a fallen enemy can be secured the natives do not hesitate to make a meal
off the same. During prolonged drought it may happen that an infant is purposely
killed by its parents and an elder child fed with its flesh to keep the latter from
starvation. By far the most common practice is, however, to select for eating
particular parts from the body of a living captive, slain enemy, or friend who died
from natural causes or otherwise. In this respect the kidney fat seems to be the
most favoured ; it is removed by a dorsal incision from either dead or living. Several
of these cases have lately come under my notice from the south central districts of
Australia. When, moreover, a noted warrior or otherwise distinguished identity dies,
privileged members of the tribe may during the mourning ceremonies cut certain
parts from the corpse and eat them. By so doing they hope to acquire the special
qualities of the deceased.

Whether we have such a case before us in the Mundy Creek discover v, it is
impossible to say. The body of the old woman had been literally bisected above
the pelvis, aud the spinal column severed between the fourth and fifth lumbar
vertebrae. The pelvis and the long bones of the legs had been unfleshed in a manner
that reminds us of the customs of other primitive people. The bones of the pelvis
and the lower limbs had been isolated with the exception of the fibulae and those of
the feet. Whether the soft parts belonging to these detached bones, and the contents
of the pelvis had been feasted upon during the obsequies is a matter of conjecture,
but in view of what follows it is probable. Every one of the long bones of the legs
(with the exception of the fibulae) had beeLi purposely broken and split open with an
instrument before burial. There is little doubt that the object of this procedure was
to procure the marrow from the medullary canal in order to eat it. The instrument
used was one with a sharp cutting edge and must have been of fair weight to
shatter the bones by impact. A tomahawk might well have been used to effect the
purpose. Nowadays a grinding stone or "miri" is usually carried about by the
natives in their kit, and this is used, among other things, to crush the bones of
kangaroos and other game at meals.

In Fig. 1 I have shown the component fragments of the shattered long bones
replaced. A point of percussion is clearly visible on the right femur at a distance
of about one
quarter its
length from
the upper
end. No
fragments
belonging to
the left femur
were found.
The inferior
extremity of
the left tibia
and the
sacrum were pIG •>

also missing.

It is impossible to say whether any of the missing fragments or ostta had been
purposely retained by the tribe to carry about with them as amulets. This is done
by various Central Australian tribes living to-day. There is also, in this case, a
possibility of subsequent removal by burrowing rabbits.

[ 51 ]

No. 26.] MAN. [1913.

The upper half of the skeleton, from the fourth lumbar vertebra upwards, is
practically complete. The only bones that were not found in correct position and
that had been artificially broken with an instrument are those of the right fore arm.
The radius was smashed at its ueck and tuberosity. The ulna was cut with a sharp
instrument in the region of the nutritious foramen ; the distal segment could not be
found.

Fig. 2 figures the superior extremities of the left femur and right ulna, with
clearly-defined cuts by a sharp instrument. None of the bones show any evidence
of having been laid on the fire or hot ashes ; it is therefore surmised that the marrow
was taken from the bones raw.

The position and order in which the bones of the pelvis and lower extremities
were found is deserving of notice. The tarsals and metatarsals, together with the
phalanges, were in their correct places. Adjoining them lay the fibulae, also in
normal position. Above these, however, existed a gap, corresponding to the space
originally occupied by the thigh and hip-bones. Where, under ordinary circumstances,
the pelvis would have been found, lay a heap of bones and bone fragments arranged
not altogether without order. The ossa coxae had been placed one over the other,
and surmounted a vertebra and the epiphyses of the broken long bones. The long
splinters of the broken bones, however, projected outwards from the obturator
foramina, into which they had been stuck by human agency.

Summary. — This discovery of ancient burial customs of a practically extinct
tribe in South Central Australia is valuable ethnographically, since it teaches iis of
a yet unrecorded method of interment from a locality that is (and is likely to
remain) a terra incognita to the anthropologist. I could find no record in the dis-
trict of " tree-burial," either concrete or traditional, and that agrees with my obser-
vations in the Musgrave Ranges lying to the north-west of the Flinders Ranges.
This method of disposal of the dead on platforms in trees or elsewhere is, or was,
practised by most of the tribes in the north and the south of Australia.

Further, we have the positive evidence of a most interesting mourning custom
consisting in the mutilation of the dead body, and in the probable eating of certain
parts of it during the attendant ceremonies of burial. The latter affords further proof
that this tribe practised man-eating, as most of the Australian tribes have now been
proved to do. It is doubtful, however, whether we should be justified in calling
any of the continental Australian tribes cannibals.

In conclusion I beg to here acknowledge the courteous and able assistance
tendered me by Mr. W. A. Fergusson, of Moolooloo, in the location and exhumation
of these scientifically so valuable specimens.

DESCRIPTION OF PLATE AND ILLUSTRATIONS IN TEXT.

PLATE D.

Fig. 1. — Grave of a male aboriginal, Bobmoony Well, east of Beltana. Note
the small heap of short pieces of wood on the left of grave, and the flat slabs of
rock on the right ; both materials covered the skeleton in distinct layers. Near to
the heap of wood is the entrance to a rabbit burrow, in front of which lie a fibula
and a few bones of a human foot, which were unearthed by the rabbit's, and led to
the discovery of the grave. Note also the semi-circular shelter of- branches and
slabs of rock surrounding the head-end of grave.

Fig. 2. — Grave of a female aboriginal, Mundy Creek, south-east of Lyndhurst.
Note, as above, the flat slabs of rock that covered the skeleton, and semi-circular
shelter at the head end ; also the derangement of the bones of the pelvis, from the
foramina of which projects splinters of the long bones of the legs. In both cases
head is facing the west.

[ 52 ]

1913.] MAN. % [Nos. 26-27.

ILLUSTRATIONS IN TEXT.

Fig. 1. — The shattered long bones of the legs and fragments of an ulna and
radius, all of which have been artificially broken to secure the marrow. A point of
percussion is seen below the head of the right femur. The fragments and splinters
were replaced into their respective positions after exhumation ; many were missing.

Fig. 2. — Superior extremities of left femur and right ulna, showing clearly-
defined cuts by a sharp instrument.

India. Hodson.

Seasonal Marriages in India. /»'// '/'• C. Hodson.

The announcement in the English press of the celebration on the 15th
February, 1913, of the marriages of the Kadwa Kanbi caste touches a subject of
considerable interest. The best account I know is given in the liaroda Census
Report for 1911, pp. 173-4. The intervals in the case of the Kadwa Kanbis (a large
cultivating caste also in Bombay) are nine, ten, or eleven years. There is a strong
movement afloat to reduce it to five years, and thence gradually to one. The
Bharvads, a small shepherd caste (Guzerat and Kathiawar), admit longer intervals —
twelve, fifteen, or twenty-four years. These intervals depend on astrological calcula-
tions. To obviate difficulties, they practise substituted marriages in which the part
of bridegroom is played by a bunch of flowers which is thrown away, leaving the
girl free to marry by a simpler form. Sometimes an elderly relation is the nominal
husband. It is also "one" of the reasons for "child marriage." Motala Brahmans
(Baroda) celebrate marriages every four years on a fixed day. Ahirs and Rabaris have
marriages once a year on a fixed day. Dhodias in Bombay (Census Report, 1911,
p. 255) only marry on Thursdays. Gait in the Bengal Census Report for 1901,
p. 254, remarks that " it is the fashion amongst Tirhutia Brahmans to meet for the
" purpose at certain regular assemblies held for the purpose towards the end of the
" lagan or marriage season. The largest of these gatherings is held at Sanrath and
" extends over a week. Carpets are spread under the trees and the Brahmans assemble
" gaily clad in crimson with flowing turbans. The occasion is one of unwonted
" rowdiness. . . . When a marriage is decided on the ceremony is at once per-
" formed." In a valuable note to p. 250 he refers to the favourite months for mar-
riage both among Hindu, Hinduised and non-Aryan groups, and to the superstitions
attaching to certain months. It is notable that the eldest son and daughter may not
marry in Jaishta, nor may a couple marry in a month in which either was born, nor
within twelve months of a death of a parent, nor in an even year of one's age.

The Puvaththukudi Chettis marriages are, it is stated by Thurston (Vol. II,
p. 93), for reasons of economy only, celebrated at intervals of many years.

" Concerning this custom a member of the community writes to me as follows : —
" In our village marriages are performed only once in ten or fifteen years. My own
" marriage was celebrated in the year Nandana (1892-93). Then seventy or eighty
" marriages took place. Since that time marriages have only taken place in the
" present year (1906). . . . Another Chetti writes that this system of clubbing
" marriages together is practised at the villages of Puvaththukudi and Mannagudi
" (district, Tanjore), and that the marriages of all girls of about seven years of age
" and upwards are celebrated." The talikettu ceremony is often performed for a
number of girls at one and the same time " once in ten or twelve years " (Thurston,
Vol. V, p. 319, quoting Mr. N. Subramani Aiyar for Travancore and Cochin Castes,
Vol. II, p. 22). Regard has in these cases to be had to astrological details, as if the
horoscopes of the tali tier and of any one of the girls did not agree that girl would
have to be left out. The exact "value" of the tali tving ceremony is not quite

[ 53 ]

Nos. 27-29.] MAN. [1913.

settled. The best view is that it is to give the girl a marriageable status. See
introduction to Cochin Castes^ Vol. II, p. x\.

Abbe Dubois thinks that the original reason why Hindus selected certain months
as the most auspicious for marriages is that during these months all agricultural work
is either finished or suspended. (Note to p. 214, Hindu Manners and Ceremonies.)

An interesting case where the celebration of marriages depends on circumstances
distinct from the will either of the parties or of their communities in general comes
from Burma.* '* The Banyong Karens are reduced in numbers by extraordinary
" marriage customs. Mr. Giles says there is no giving and taking in marriage as
" with all other races in the world. It is only when a high official such as a
u Taungsa visits Banyin that there are any marriages all. This personage orders a
" couple to be married, and married they are. just as a man might be sworn of the
" peace. The Taungsa Gonwara makes a point of going there once a year so as to
" ensure at least one marriage in the twelvemonth. It appears that matters are
" further complicated by the fact that the contracting parties must be relations, as
" is the custom with the Sawngtung race. In a village of six houses, however,
" where custom has decreed cross-marriages for many years, this requirement should
" be very easily fulfilled. The men are said to be very averse to marriage, and
" 'have frequently to be taken by force to the bride's house.'" T. C. H.

New Ireland. Rivers.

The Bow in New Ireland. By W. H. K. Rivers. flfl

I am much indebted to Dr. Graebner for calling my attention to several £0
errors in the second appendix to my article on '' The Disappearance of Useful Arts "
in the Festschrift recently brought out in honour of Professor Westermarck.f In his
Methode der Ethnologie, to which reference is made on p. 130 of my article, Dr.
Graebner only mentions the statement of Behrens and cites it as an example of a
principle that the mention by a traveller of a widely distributed object has less value
as evidence than when the object is rare and exceptional. The example, therefore,
remains appropriate even if, as I suppose, the statement of Behrens was correct.

The evidence of Bougainville, which I quote against Dr. Graebner, is beside the
mark, for this traveller only records the presence of the bow in the central part of
New Ireland, where it is still used. His evidence has no bearing on the problem
whether this weapon was formerly used at the southern end of the island. We have,
therefore, only the evidence of two independent witnesses to the former presence of
the bow and arrow at this end of New Ireland.

Further, the word "Britain," which occurs on p. 129 in the fifth and eighth lines
of Appendix B, should in each case be " Ireland," and, as Mr. Sidney Hartland has
pointed out to me, the word " lances," by which I translate the Assageys oder
fVurff-Pfeilen of Behrens, should not be used for weapons which are thrown. It is
now customary to call such objects " javelins." W. H. R. RIVERS.

Archaeology : Prehistoric. Reid Mo jr.

Problems of Flint Fracture. By J. Reid Moir, F.G.S. flQ

I regret to find myself unable to make any really serious reply to Mr. fcU

Hazzledine Warren's criticisms of my work, as set forth in the March number of

MAN. After twenty-four years as a "practical student" of flint fracture Mr. Warren

still finds it necessary to rely upon fallacious theories to support his views on this

subject — and while he does this it is impossible to come to grips with him.

* Gazetteer of Upper Surma, Vol. I., Pt. I., p. 547.

t Festskrift tillagnad Edvard Westermarck, Helsingfors, 1!)12.

[ 54 ]

1913.] MAN. [No. 29.

He states that " in a stream a rain of blows is steadily delivered in a constant
" direction against other stones wedged in its bed." This is in the nature of things
a theoretical and improbable statement, and one which proves nothing — except,
perhaps, that Mr. Warren falls an easy prey to a somewhat riotous imagination.

Mr. Warren further states " that the nature of the blows (given in a stream)
" differs essentially from those delivered within the confined space of a sack."

This, again, is simply an assertion, and will remain so until Mr. Warren explains
exactly what the difference is between the two types of blow.

I do not think that anyone is likely to forget that the detritus bed below the
sands and shells of the Red Crag sea is a marine deposit, but it is difficult to recollect
any unassailable evidence having been brought forward to show that this deposit has
been greatly agitated by "wave-action during storms." Perhaps Mr. Warren will be
able to publish the facts upon which his remarks are based.

Another vague statement is that " there are two factors of primary importance
" in Nature Avhich no experiment can ever produce.

"These are (1) the quantity of material acted upon ; (2) the time during which
" the forces are operating."

To elevate this assertion to a position of even temporary importance Mr. Warren
must tell us exactly what sort of material he refers to, and give us a hint as to the
mysterious force he invokes.

The question of " time " we can leave, though as some assert time to be merely
a concept, I recommend it to Mr. Warren's careful consideration.

After having realised the strange atmosphere of assertion and uncertainty in
which Mr. Warren so freely moves, his remarks that my work " has not always been
41 characterised by sound mechanical principle or carefulness of statement," and that
my " criteria [of human workmanship upon flints] are essentially unscientific," leave
me cold and unmoved.

It is a relief to find that Mr. Warren has conducted some experiments with
flints, but I cannot, naturally, pass any detailed criticism upon the results of these
until 1 have seen and handled the specimens from which he draws his conclusions,
but after having examined an exhibit of his at University College last November
I may, perhaps, be permitted to express very grave doubts as to the value of
these conclusions.

I would, however, be very glad to meet Mr. Warren before some body of
unbiased scientific men, and with his flints and mine before us, to discuss this matter
in all its details.

I notice Mr. Warren states that " Mr. Moir says that he has used every kind
" of flint in his experiments." Will he be so good as to name the publication in
which these words occur ?

Iii reference to the suggestion that " eoliths " which exhibit chipping showing
" pressure characteristics " are generally associated with scratched surfaces, I would
ask how it is that neolithic, surface, implements, which show extensively striated
surfaces, do not also exhibit " eolithic chipping"? But possibly " eolithic " pressure
was a totally different thing from the more modern variety.

Mr. Warren states that my " letter-press experiments . . . have no bearing
4S upon this problem." Yet I notice in the Journal of the Anthropological Institute
(Vol. XXV, p. 345), which contains a paper by him on " The Origin of Eolithic
" Flints . . .," the following paragraph appears : —

" Experiments. — At this stage of the proceedings some experiments were con-
ducted in order to show practically the effects of perpendicular pressure upon the
edges of flints. Some of these were . . . slowly pressed against a pebble in a
screiv-press made expressly for the purpose"

[ 55 ]

Nos. 29-30.] MAN. [1913.

It will be interesting to know why experiment* with a " *crew-press " are
looked npon with favour in this matter, while those with a " letter-press " are
regarded with such scorn and contempt.

Mr. Warren concludes his remarks by expressing the pious hope that " wider
experience " on my part will bring me into line with himself and Mr. F. N.
I la ward on the question of the natural chipping of flint.

It is remotely possible that this may be the case, but if the acceptance of their
views would lead me to emulate them in prostrating myself before some unknown,
non-human forces, such as Mr. Warren pays homage to, and whose supposed
movements Mr. Ha ward describes by the amusing title of " chip and slide." I really
think that when this surrender on my part occurs 1 shall be well advised to hang
my shield upon the wall and drop out of the ranks of prehistorians altogether.

J. REID MOIK.

Africa, East. Beech.

Suicide amongst the A-Kikuyu of East Africa, By Mervyn W. II. Qfl

Beech, M.A. ull

A few weeks ago some regulations were introduced into the reserve by the
native elders with a view to putting a stop to the practice of beer drinking amongst
young men.

The local native council fined a young man, aged about twenty, the sum of
Its. 15*. for infringement of these regulations.

On the sentence being pronounced the young man forthwith slashed his thigh
with a native sword, inflicting a deep wound, and the following morning hanged
himself on a tree.

By the time the police inspector had arrived on the scene the skin rope had
snapped and the body was lying on the ground. There was no doubt but that the
man had committed suicide, and the muddy prints of his feet were plainly discernible
on the tree up which he had climbed.

When the police inspector told the deceased man's brothers to bury the corpse,
they said that if they did so they would die ; they, however, were willing to drag
the body off into the bush by a rope so long as they did not touch it.

The whole procedure of slashing himself and then committing suicide, also
the frightened expression of the elders who reported the matter, pointed to the
fact that the deceased thought that by doing what he did to himself he would
thereby in some manner or other bring trouble on the elders who had fined him. I
could, however, find no confirmation of this view ; indeed, when at last I went so
far as to put a leading question to this effect a prompt denial was the only response.
Nevertheless, I learned that anyone who has died a violent death, whether by spear
or by hanging or in any such way, must on no account be buried in the earth.
Those who buried him would slowly waste away to death, eaten up by sores, by the
disease " kionji," or leprosy ; because the " nguro " or spirit of the dead man being
angry would if he were buried have the power of inflicting this disease upon those
who buried him. *

Suicide among the A-Kikuyu is comparatively common, and as far as the follow-
ing cases which have come to my notice are concerned, they would point to the
fact that the A-Kikuyu commit suicide only for much the same reasons as civilised
people.

1. The "patriarch" Karanja wa Mariti tells me that on one occasion he had a
sore hand. The pain extended to his shoulder and was so acute that had not his
brother seized the weapon from him he would have killed himself.

2. At Kikuyu a man after marrying a woman found that he was impotent.

[ 56 ]

1913.] MAN. [Nos. 30-31.

Dreading ridicule lie attempted to murder his wife and committed suicide. The
woman, however, recovered.

3. Another man finding he had been robbed of Rs. 70 during the night hung
himself.

4. A woman recently threw herself in front of the train and was killed. Her
husband did not know why she did it, but as he said : " I was quite near, yet I could
" not prevent the act as I did not know if she were doing it because she was angry
" with me. For if she was doing it for that reason and I had touched her I should
" certainly have died."

5. The mother of one of my porters hanged herself after bearing an excruciating
pain in her foot for two days.

6. A woman hanged herself at Lamnru after a quarrel with her husband.
In conclusion I will quote the words of Karanjja mentioned above : —

" It is very common for A-Kikuyu to kill themselves. Some do so because they
are old and solitary and have no relations, others because they are poor.

" It is more common for women to kill themselves than men — many, many
women have killed themselves.

" None of the relatives or members of the clan may touch the corpse of a
suicide. The unrelated elders of the kiama (council) are those who cut down the
body of one who has hanged himself, and they are given a very fat sheep indeed
for their trouble." MERVYN W. H. BEECH, M.A.

India, North. Tiger.

Proverbs of the Ouraons. By A. Tiger. Q4

1. Among men the barber, among animals the monkey, among birds the Ul
crow is very prudent.

2. The blind 100 times ; the one-eyed man 1,000 times ; the squint-eyed
man 10,000 times more cunning than an ordinary man.

3. An orphan child is easily provoked.

4. An illegitimate child is very clever.

5. The very dog which I tamed bites me.

6. We must not count the teeth of a presented horse.

7. A fool gets wet when he is in the village.

8. Thunder and lightning seldom brings rain.

9. Day and night is the same for a blind man whether he sleeps or awakes.

10. A distant drum is very pleasant.

11. You have attained old age and you don't know what a goat is.

12. Take care if you fall from the tree, you will see the wedding of your
father.

13. One egg and that also spoilt.

14. You have not lost yet your milk teeth.

15. A child which sucks the milk of its mother is a good one.

16. A thief at mid-day.

17. A thief knows thieves.

18. A dog is very bold when it is in the house.

19. No one accepts a truth, but a lie the whole world believes.

20. If the reputation of a man is good then the whole world is good.

21. A big man's share is big, a small man's small.

22. He who comes last returns empty handed.

23. A word spoken cannot be called back.

24. A good beginning is half the work done.

[ 57 ]

NOB. 31-32.] MAN. [1913.

25. Money is the father of men.

26. Danger past, Ram (God) is forgotten.

27. What early grows early rots.

28. As is the father such is the son.

29. To buy dear and to sell cheap.

30. To get drowned in a dry river.

31. A. joker must not be hanged.

32. To wash a piece of charcoal with soap.

33. He who works not must not eat.

34. If you sit with clean hands you will get nothing.

35. To lick the spittle.

36. Not to dream properly. (To explain an accident that happened afterwards.)

37. He who does not follow the advice of his elder will go to beg.

38. Drop by drop a tank is filled.

39. When stomach is full everything is dust.

40. A daughter is but others' property.

41. A hunter looks for a gun when a deer is before him.

42. An idle fellow after falling into the pit does not want to come out.

43. One pea was divided between seven brothers.

44. Time once past never returns.

45. A tiger was caught in the cobweb.

46. Filter the water before you drink. A. TIGER.

REVIEWS.
India : Assam. Shakespear.

The Kuki-Lushei Clans. By Lt.-Colonel J. Shakespear, C.I.E., D.S.O.
London : Macmillan & Co., 1912.

This volume is divided into two parts. In Part I we have an account of the
Lushei proper ; in Part II an account of tribes who have either been practically
assimilated by Lusheis under the rule of Thangur chiefs or have been much influenced
by their neighbours as well as of the so-called old and new Kukis and of the Lakhers,
comparatively recent immigrants from the Chin Hills. Colonel Shakespear traces
firmly and clearly the wars and troubles of these people and their migrations from
an area between Tiddim and Falam in the Chin Hills. They fought, now for land,
now for the hand of the local Helen, sometimes in resistance to the ever-increasing
pressure of the stalwart Chins east of them, sometimes in organised warfare against
the Thados. Their affinities are touched on in more than one place. In the Intro-
duction he notes the similarities between the Lusheis and the matrilineal Garos, and
approves the theory put forward by Sir Charles Lyall of the evident connection
between the Mikirs and the Kuki Chin group. He recurs to this theme on page 8,
where he remarks that the Kukis, Chins, and Lusheis, are all of the same race, with
definite traces of a relationship with the Kabuis and Manipuris, and in the last
chapter of Part II the linguistic evidence is briefly .summarised. With his hope that
the affinities of the tribes described in this book with other tribes may be dealt with
by some competent authority when the whole series has been published, we shall all
find ourselves in complete agreement, but will any of us live to see the completion
of the series ? And what of the North Bank tribes, what of the tribes north and
north-east of Manipur ? They await their pious historians and they belong to the
far-flung Tibeto-Burman peoples. The task is stupendous and yet should be under-
taken. Whv not by Colonel Shakespear himself?

[ 58 ]

1913.] MAN. [No. 32.

What strikes me is the extent to which Lushei and Naga customs are similar.
Where they differ, and they differ in many very interesting details, \ve can with our
authority attribute the differences in great extent to the deliberate policy of the pre-
dominant Thangnr chiefs, who saw " that any restrictions on inter-marriage would
" have interfered with that fusion of clans which was so necessary for the establish-
" ment of their power." Thus disintegration was followed by a larger, though only
partial integration. But other causes were at work to promote differential evolution.
''The method of cultivation which they follow is very wasteful, and a large village
" soon uses up all the land within reach, and then a move becomes imperative."
" These constant moves have had a great share in moulding the Lushai character."
''The peculiar vagabond strain in the blood of the Kuki-Lushei race" is in strong
contrast to " the intense love of the Naga for his ancestral village site." The nature
of the hills makes permanent cultivation almost an impossibility. The jhum system
of cultivation, as was noted by Payne, is in the circumstances of these hills "the
" most economical method because it produces the largest net return." In many ways
the effect of the pressure of environment is exemplified in the customs. The chiefs
send their sons out to found new villages as they attain maturity. Hence we have
the youngest son as the heir general, the residuary legatee. The dispersion of the
clans renders annual clan ceremonies impossible.

Teknonymy is usual among the Lusheis. Despite Colonel Shakespear's vigorously
expressed contempt for the mere theorist, I will venture on the opinion that it is
connected with the idea that full social maturity is not attained till marriage has
proved fruitful. Tattooing is practised by young men " as mementoes of love affairs
" in happy bachelor days" (p. 12), and is, 1 think, related to the belief that
" access to the abode of bliss hereafter is obtained by success in the courts of
" Venus " (p. 60). The use of the comb in expressing social gradations — quoted
from McCnlloch — is very interesting. Any tendencies to hypergamy — of which
there is some evidence — were checked by the policy of the Thaugurs which of set
purpose widened the jus connubii. The position of the blacksmith as a village official
and the ideas attaching to the forge as a place tabu after certain sacrifices (p. 73)
and as a place where a man who has killed a rhinoceros — surely a rare event —
can rid himself of the evil consequences of his rash act (p. 103), are facts of more
than momentary interest. The prevalence of the Zawlbuk, the Bachelors' Hall, a
common institution in the Naga Hills (ride Hutton Webster on Primitive Secret
Societies) with age classifications affecting the functions of the various classes is
noteworthy as also is the substitution of the house of some rich villager for the
Zawlbuk. There is a strong public feeling, we are told, that the whole village would
suffer for such an innovation as putting windows in any but the authorised places.

The nature of certain tabus and the mental attitude which brings them into being
are very admirably adapted and summarised by Colonel Shakespear on page 70, where
he defines thi-ang-lo as unlucky, and again on page 101 et seq., where he describes
the various superstitions of a very superstitions race. " It is the unusnalness of the
thing," he says, "which makes the Lushei think it thi-ang-lo.''1 Headhunting, we are
told, was not indulged in ; the raids were not made to get heads. But later on we
find that "The proud title of Thangchhuah, which carries with it much honour in
" this world as well as the right to admission to Pielral — the abode of bliss — after
" death, can only be obtained by killing a man and certain animals, and every
" member of a raiding party in which a man is slain is entitled to say that he has
" killed a man." If. then, raids were not made to get heads, if the primary object
was to get captives and loot, if heads were taken as accidents or incidents or as
proofs of valour, no sensible Lushei, if a chance came his way, would fail to
remember the serious advantages to be secured in this world and in the next by

[ 59 ]

No. 32,] MAN. [1913.

the possessor of a head. In no uncertain tones does Colonel Shakespear pronounce
his verdict on an institution which some time ago came into some public notice, the
institution of slavery so-called. He shows that the " boi " are generally Avell treated,
have means of protecting themselves against ill-treatment, can acquire property, and
that " the custom seems well suited to the people and provides for the maintenance
" of the poor, old and destitute, and it would be extremely unwise to attempt to
" alter it." Social reformers in a hurry please take careful note.

Marriage customs are fully described. Cousin marriages are not looked on with
favour by Lusheis because the transfer of a girl to an outside family increases the
wealth of her family. In other parts of India cousin marriage seems to be favoured
among other reasons — sociological as well as physiological — for the reason that it is
less expensive than outside marriage.

Cousin marriages are common among Routes, and since we know that cousin
marriage is related to the dual organisation of society, as Dr. Rivers has shown, it
is interesting to note that the Routes are divided into two exogarnous divisions,
Lanu and Changon. The Kolhen also are divided into two main exogamous
divisions, the Khullakpa's division, Chongthus and the Luplakpa's division, Jetes,
associated each with five clans. At the great spring festival " the girls of each family
" pull on the opposite side to the young men of their family," i.e., on the side into
which they must marry, of which they are potential members. The Khullakpa's
family has the choice from every family, a contrast with the Lushei, where marriage
with first cousins is more frequent in the families of the chiefs than among the
commoners. There are instances of tribes which practise what Dr. Goldenweiser
calls " definite exogamy." The actual clans from which brides may be taken are
fixed among the Chiru, the Chawte, the Ronte, and the Tarau.

Are we interested in the " theory of magic " ? The Lusheis so far recognise
the " Force of initiative in magical conflict," * as to believe that if you meet a
species of python, and spit at it first, it will fall a prey to its assailants, They
know something of the strange phenomena of spirit possession. There is the power
called Zawl, a comparatively useful power which enables the Zawlnei to " elicit
from Khuavang information regarding the particular sacrifice required to cure any
sick person." Our pity goes out to the unfortunate persons who are possessed by
or possess Khawring, a mysterious visitor which seems to come from the wild boar.
There is an admirable collection of folk-tales in both parts of the volume, which are
of profound interest to the folklorist. I have elsewheref given reasons for my
conviction that the Lamgaug tale of the eclipse (p. 183) suffers from a confusion
between the meanings of the Meithei word hidak which means (1) medicine, and
(2) tobacco, and that the Anal tale of the pious man whose " virtue " aroused the
envy of the sun and moon, has been contaminated by contact with Hinduism.
What was the virtue which the sun and moon carried off? Obviously some material
thing, probably, as I suggested, the magical bark — as in the Purum and Kabui tales
— which had the power of healing all wounds and of restoring the dead to life.

Here, as elsewhere in India, there are rites forming part of the marriage
ceremonies, which are often, indeed commonly, described as survivals of marriage by
capture. There are here cases, too, of captives taken to wife, captured because they
were wanted as wives. But the view that marriage by capture cau ever have been
as McLennan made it, a decisive, all-important factor in social organisation, has
been challenged. It is held by M. Van Gennep| that these customs only indicate

* Cf. Haliday, Folklore, XXI. (2), pp. 147 et. seq., esp. p. 168, quoting Virgil, " Vox quoque Moerini
jam fugit ipsa ; lupi Moerim videre priores."
t Folklore, XX (4), p. 417, et seq.
% Rites de Passage, pp. 177-180.

[ 60 1

1913.] MAN. [No. 32-

that the bride (and bridegroom) "quitte une certaine sock'tr sexuelle restrainte, tant
" familiale que locale, pour etre agregee a une autre societe sexuelle restreinte tant
" familiale que locale." Among the Lusheis, the rites called Loi and Inngaithlak
(p. 83), and, among the Vraiphei (p. 163), the feast which the young man has to give
to his dormitory fellows, seem to me to demand attention. Some interest attaches to
this question because the matter has been raised both before the Burma Research
Society* and in the Burma Census Report for 1911 (p. 147). In the first r;i>r
the custom known in Burma as ge-bo and the accompanying custom of demanding
money from the bridegroom — paralleled, as M. Van Gennep has shown, by Savoy
customs — are cited as "survivals from the days when society in Burma was organised
on matriarchal lines." In the second case the customs are thought " to date back
"to a period when each tribe lived in a state of sexual promiscuity."

Burma, of course, belongs to the adjacent anthropology of the Kuki-Lushei
area, and what is a survival in Burma — explained by curious astiological myths — may
be in healthy harmony with the social order of people like the Lusheis, who tolerate
a good deal of sexual freedom before marriage.

Space does not permit me to indulge in further notes from or in discussions of,
this fascinating volume. Religion, with an otiose All-Father, a clan spirit — Sakbua —
whose rites vary from clan to clan, so much so that by their rites to Sakhua can the
various clans be best distinguished, beliefs in reincarnation, separable and dual souls,
dual funeral obsequies, funeral rites which look Very much like survivals of tree burial,
magical sacrifices to gain power over the spirits of men and animals killed on raids
or in the chase, geuna customs, the erection of stone monuments for reasons and to the
accompaniment of tabus which vividly recall those of the Naga tribes, tales of a
dream, a bad dream, time when all the world was in darkness like the sad time
when Xurnitkappa of Meithei legend shot the sun, tabus on running water, penal
laws, elaborate marriage price systems, incipient hypergamy, folklore, language, all
are here faithfully portrayed and skilfully ordered. There is one notable absentee
from the list of subjects dealt with. Not a line, not a syllable about totemism. It
is still a thorny subject. There are here definite, well-marked exogamic groups,
recognising group tabus, admitting as a social fact the existence of an intimate
relation between them and animals, but the group-names are nearly all eponyms or
place-names. Even when they are place-names, they are indirectly eponyms, since
the place-names were originally the names of chiefs. Of the name Lushei and its
derivation there can be no certainty. Neither here nor in the Naga area do group
tabus serve here as bases for group-names or nicknames.

There seems to be no mention of any rain-compelling ceremonies, performed
specially in times of drought. I know that such rites are practised by the Korns
and Chirus, and believe that enquiries would elicit some very interesting information.

Colonel Shakespear set out with the pious intention of avoiding all theories and
deductions. He has permitted himself the dangerous delight of one invasion of the
forbidden area. His speculation as to the origin of the Bachelors' Hall (p. 152) is
most ingenious, and it may be commended to the consideration of the learned in
matters of social structure. There is material here enough and to spare for many
theories and interesting deductions. The narrative is closely packed with facts, but
it never flags, and is rich in those personal touches which relieve effectually a work
of this kind from all suspicion of dulness. As a contribution to the scientific study
of anthropology, as presenting a clear account of the customs and beliefs of an
important group of peoples, it will rank very high. Like all Colonel Shakespear's
work, it is sincere and meticulously accurate, the result of long years of intimate

* Vol. I., Pt. I., p. 26, "Matriarchal vestiges in Burma."
I 61 ]

Nos. 32-33.] MAN. [1913,

knowledge and sympathetic study. It is tastefully embellished with handsome, care-
fully chosen illustrations, and is in every way worthy of the high and well-deserved
reputation of its author, whose soldierly courage and great administrative ability have
won for him a distinguished place on the honour roll of the Wardens of the North
Eastern Marches of India. T. C. HODSON.

Mexico : Codex Colombino. Cooper Clark.

The Story of Eight Deer in Codex Colombino. By J. Cooper Clark.

This thoughtful and carefully worked-ont study is a good example of what
might be accomplished for the elucidation of the ancient Mexican picture - writings.
Apart from those of which Dr. E. Seler has published such masterly analyses, and
Mrs. Zelia Nnttall's notes on The Lady Three Flint and on Eight Deer in Codex
Zouche - Nuttall, little has been done in this direction. The Maya codices have
received much more attention. Difficulty of access to the picture-writings has been
a great drawback, as the original manuscripts are widely dispersed. Copies of Kings-
borough are rare and costly, and the Due de Loubat's reproductions were given
chiefly to libraries, and have been for some time out of print. Students are allowed
to inspect the precious original manuscripts possessed by the Bodleian Library at
Oxford, but few can afford the time and expense for prolonged work there. Fresh
and accurate reproductions of the whole series are badly needed.* It was a happy
thought to produce this valuable work as a contribution to the Eighteenth International
Congress of Americanists held in London May, 1912. After thorough study, not only
of Codex Colombino in the National Museum of Mexico, but of five other picture-
codices (Bodleian No. 2,858, Selden No. 3,135, Vienna, Becker, and Zouche-Nuttall),
Mr. Cooper Clark has been able to bring together many scenes and important events
in the life of the warrior-chief named Eight Deer. Some of these are given in three
or four of the codices, although the details vary. With admirable accuracy and
artistic skill the author has copied a number of them, which are reproduced in ten
coloured plates and some line drawings. A running commentary on the events and
dates provides a coherent story.

Eight Deer appears for the first time in three codices on the same date, 12 akatl
1 malinalli. In the Mexican calendar a given date would come once only in the
fifty-two-year cycle, and this date may be placed tentatively in the second cycle before
the coming of the Spaniards, and would then correspond to A.D. 1439. The period
covered by the pictures relating to Eight Deer in one or other of these codices,
extends to the same date fifty-two years later, or A.D. 1491. In that year he met
his death. The official Historic! elemental de Mexico, by Cordoba, in describing the
Toltec rule from an early writer, states that it was customary for a chief to reign
fifty-two years ; then he made way for a young successor.

The principal facts recorded in an ancient Mexican biography may be worth
noting. Eight Deer is seen conferring with Nine Ocomatli and Nine Xochitl seven-
teen years after the year 12 akatl, when the author supposes that he was born. In
4 kalli he is in a ball court with One Ollin, and also attacks a fortress. About this
time the name or title of Ocelot Claw was bestowed on him. Several scenes of the
year 4 akatl are given, such as offering to the Sacred Tree, burning incense in a
tlaxtli or ball court, and conferring with his friend, Twelve Ollin. In 7 tecpatl he
starts on a great military expedition which occupied nine years and resulted in the
capture of twenty-six towns. This was followed by further conquests, and in 7 kalli
the victorious hero received the yakax'mitl, the greenstone or turquoise nose-ornament.
The ceremony of piercing the septum of his nose for this ornament is given in four

* Except Codex Zouche-Nuttall, published for the Peabocly Museum of Harvard by B. Quaritch

[ 62 ]

1913.] MAN. [Nos. 33-34.

codices. He then made a compact with Four Ocelotl and had a conference with
twelve chiefs. A campaign followed, with the conquest of forty-seven places, and in
9 akatl symbols of peace were exchanged with Six Ocelotl in a ball court.

The kindling of the sacred fire comes next, probably at the commencement of a
new year-cycle. Mr. Cooper Clark gives examples from three codices. In each Eight
Deer twirls a ceremonial arrow in a hollow in a log of wood, which in two instances
is held by another chief. Smoke rises from the hole. In 11 kalli he made a prisoner,
Four Ehecatl, and in 12 tochtU took part in a gladiatorial fight with a weeping
captive, tied, as was customary, to a large circular stone. In 13 akatl he married
Thirteen Kouatl, and the birth of a sou is recorded in three codices. The Colombino
and Zouche codices are incomplete, but the closing scenes in his life are shown in
the Vienna and Bodleian. In 12 akatl he advances with bow and arrow, aiming at
an eagle perched upon a tree in the middle of a lake, and then he is seen stretched
on a sacrificial stone, whilst a priest plunges a knife into his breast.

The question arises, to what part of the country did Eight Deer belong ? It
might be answered by someone familiar with the geography of Mexico, for the rebus
names of the many conquered places should make it possible to identify a series.
Mr. Cooper Clark has observed that a sculptured monolith from Monte Alban, near
Oaxaca, represents a war-chief with the glyph of a deer's head and the numeral 8
(a dash = 5, and three dots), and he suggests that this may be the personage of the
codices, and possibly a Zapotec king, perhaps Zaachila III. The temporary supremacy
of the Aztecs when the Spaniards first knew them has obscured the importance of the
neighbouring nations, and the memory of their civilisation died out as the country
became almost depopulated after the conquest. But the region of the ancient Zapotec
kingdom still contains Indian communities with a high degree of culture, and amongst
them the intelligent tourist might find traditions of their former heroes.

The ethnologist will notice in the plates the weapons used by Eight Deer,
especially the ceremonial spears and the atlatl, or spear-thrower. In the picture
from the Bodleian Codex, in Plate B, there are clumsy bows, which are wanting -in
the companion picture from Codex Colombino. These may have been introduced into
Central America by contact with the Spaniards during the voyages of Columbus.
They are not seen in the more ancient paintings and sculptures. A. C. B.

India, Southern : Omens and Superstitions. Thurston.

Omens and Superstitions of Southern India. By Edgar Thurston, C.I.E. Q 1
London : T. Fisher Unwin, 1912. 22 X 14 cm. Price 12*. 6rf. net. UT

In this book Mr. Thurston has collected from his works on The Castes and
Tribes of Southern India (1909), his Ethnographic Notes in Southern India
(1906), and from other sources, a large mass of information on the popular beliefs
and practices of the races of the Madras Presidency. He deals successively with
omens, animal superstitions, the evil eye, snake worship, vows, votive and other
offerings, charms, human sacrifice, magic and human life, magic and magicians,
divination and fortune-telling, agricultural and rain-making ceremonies. Mr. Thurston's
reputation, as a careful student of South Indian ethnography, will be enhanced by
the present book, which contains in accessible form a fairly complete account of the
beliefs of a very interesting people. Relieved, to a large extent, from the pressure of
Brahmanism and Islam, which in Northern India have caused the disappearance of
many interesting usages, they have been permitted to develop their religious system
undisturbed by foreign control. The book being a catalogue of facts, without any
attempt to discuss the material from a comparative point of view, does not readily
lend itself to detailed criticism. He was probably well advised to confine himself

[ 63 ]

Nos, 34-36.] MAN. [1913.

to the collection of material ; but it is perhaps to be regretted that he did not take
the opportunity at least of comparing his evidence with that already collected from
other parts of the peninsula. This task, one of great difficulty, must soon be under-
taken if students are to be placed in a position to compare the Animism and
Hinduism of the south with those prevailing in other parts of the Indian Empire.
For such a study this book will prove to be of the highest importance, and its
value is much increased by a good serious of illustrations. W. CROOKE.

Africa, East. Beech.

The Suk, their Language and Folklore. By Matt. H. Beech. With OC
Introduction by Sir Charles Eliot. Clarendon Press. Price 12*. 6d. net. UU

The book is the result of the investigations made during a period of a little over
a year whilst the author was Acting District Commissioner of Baringo, East Africa,
and Sir Charles Eliot describes it as " an important addition to our knowledge." It
is arranged in the form of notes, and, no doubt, had the author had more time at his
disposal and a further opportunity of consulting the people, he would have greatly
enlarged and improved his book, but even as it is it cannot fail to be extremely
valuable to other officials in the district, and it is quite a good model for students to
work upon.

Every physical type known in East Africa is to be found amongst the Suk, who
call themselves the Pokwut (Suk being the Masai name for them), and at present the
nation can be roughly divided into two sections, the pastoral and the agricultural.
The old men are unanimous in declaring that there were always two original Snk
tribes living on the Elgeyo escarpment, and that through the inter-marriage of these
with fugitives and adventurers from neighbouring tribes the present Suk nation was
evolved. There are now a number of totemic and exogamous clans, each having
its totem, and a number of restrictions. It is generally believed that a man's
spirit passes into a snake at death.

. Socially, the Suk are roughly divided into boys, circumcised men, and old men.
There are no chiefs, each village is a family, but the Government has appointed two
headmen. Only married men possess houses (one for each wife). Bachelors sleep
outside, and in the rains wrap themselves up in ox skins for the night.

Chapter II. contains an interesting comparison of some Suk customs with those
of their immediate neighbours, a given offence being often very differently punished.
Chapter III. consists of folk tales and riddles, amongst which many old friends
may be noticed.

The remainder of the book is composed of a short grammar and a vocabulary, and
certain resemblances are found to the Nandi. In fact, the author observes that, " But
" for the presence of an element, the origin of which I have as yet been unable to
" determine, but which may, of course, be the language of the two original tribes, the
" Suk language might fairly be described as a dialect of Nandi." The most striking
differences are that Suk has no definite article, and has borrowed the Turkana numerals.

A. J. N. T.

ANTHROPOLOGICAL NOTE.

The International Historical Congress will be held in London on April Oft
3rd-12th. Section I. will deal with Oriental Studies, Section VIII. with Art 00
and Archaeology, and Section IX. with Ethnology. Those wishing to participate
should communicate with the Secretary of the British Academy, Burlington House.

ERRATUM.
In MAN, 1913, 24, p. 48, line 7, for investigations read investigators.

Printed by EYRE AND SPOTTISWOODE, LTD., His Majesty's Printers, East Harding Street, E.C.

fr-/

PLATE E.

MAN, 1913.

•

A GOLD BEAKER FROM LAMBAYEQUE, PERU.

1913.]

MAN.

[No. 37.

ORIGINAL ARTICLES.
Peru : Archaeology. With Plate E. Joyce.

Note on a Gold Beaker from Lambayeque, Peru. /,'// '/*. . I. Joyce, Q^
M.A. Of

Plate E illustrates a fine beaker of beaten gold, discovered in an ancient grave
called La Merced, near the village of Illinco, district Tucume, in the coastal province
of Lambayeque, Peru. The height of the vessel is 4*8 inches, the diameter at the
base is 2'3 inches, and increases regularly to 3 inches at a height of 3'6 inches
from the bottom ; from this point there is a distinct " flare " to the rim, the diameter
of which is 4-1 inches. The weight is 1,623 grains. Between the flaring lip, which
is plain, and a line drawn rather less than an inch from the bottom, the space is
entirely occupied with a design in relief, consisting of a rather conventionalized
human figure thrice repeated. The details of this figure are shown in Fig. 1, which
is from a rubbing. Here we have apparently a warrior with an ornamental crown,
a vandyked tunic, and large ear-plugs, holding in his left hand a spear, rather similar
in type to the rattle-staff, cktcattaztli, carried by the Mexican deity Xipe. In his
right hand is a circular shield with
toothed border, above which rises
an object with a design somewhat
resembling a conventional fish-face
surmounted by a crown, and below,
what might be the pole to which
this " fish-standard " is attached.
The hand of the figure shows foitr
fingers, and each foot three toes.

The technique of the beaker
evidences considerable skill ; it is
beaten out of a single sheet of
metal, and there is no trace of a
join anywhere. The outline is
elegant and harmonious, and the
lines of the design, in spite of its
conventional nature, are bold and
effective.

The Valley of Lambayeque is a
locality of peculiar interest, since it
is the scene of one of those immigrations by sea of Avhich so few traces have survived
in Peruvian tradition. It is said that in the far past a number of men and women
arrived on rafts, under a chief named Naymlap, the names (or titles) and functions
of whose personal attendants are given in detail. With them they brought their
god, a green stone idol called Llampallec. From the early history of these immi-
grants it seems not impossible that their rulers belonged to the class of divine kin<:s
Avho were killed as soon as their powers showed signs of waning, or if misfortune
fell upon the tribe.* At the end of the reign of the eleventh successor of the
immigrant chieftain a republic was established, which, in its turn, was overthrown
by the powerful Chirnn ruler, whose seat of power was at Truxillo, not far to
the south. The conqueror imposed upon the valley a line of tributary princfs.
nine of whom had succeeded in order when the Spaniards arrived. Such remains
as have at present come to light in this neighbourhood differ in no respect from
those characteristic of the Truxillo culture, and this beaker is not an exception.
* See my South America/I Archeology, p. 50.
[ 65 ]

FIG. 1.

Nos. 37-38,] MAN. [1913,

From the style of the design it would seem to belong, not to that magnificent
period distinguished by the fine painted and moulded ware which, artistically speaking,
is one of the glories of aboriginal America, nor to the later period characterised by
the appearance on the coast of the inland art which flourished at Tiahuanaco in
pre-Inca times, but to the period which immediately preceded the conquest of the
coast by the Inca, a period of technical progress but artistic decadence. As to the
individual represented in the ornament, whether he be god, noble, or warrior, it is
impossible to say. The remaius from the coast in museums and private collections
far outnumber those from the highlands, and from those remains we can gather many
details concerning the appearance, dress, and weapons of the coast people. But for
the most part their history, mythology, and social system are a sealed book to us.

The beaker is the property of Mr. James Curie, to whom I owe cordial thanks
for permission to publish it in MAX. T. A. JOYCE.

Africa, East.. Werner.

A Pokomo Funeral. By Miss A. Werner. QQ

The following account of a Pokomo funeral is translated from some notes UU
sent me (in German) by Herr Becker, of the Neukirchen Mission, Knlesa, Tana River.
I have supplemented them with some information derived directly from natives,
though this is much less than I could have wished. Unfortunately, I was not able
to come in touch with Wapokomo at a distance from any of the mission stations,
so have no independent confirmation or otherwise of the statement that the custom
of preventing the earth from touching the body is entirely due to Christian influence.
In view of the fact that most, if not all Bantu tribes (not counting those who, like
the Gikuyu, have adopted Masai burial — or non-burial — customs) take some sort of
precautions to insure this result, this statement does not strike one as probable. But
the Pokomo, being placed in rather peculiar conditions (not to mention the strong
probability that they are partly of Wasanye descent) seem in some respects to have
departed from normal Bantu customs, and it would be rash to dogmatize ; though I
could not help suspecting that much of the information supplied to me by members
of this mission was unconsciously coloured by strong prepossessions. Herr Becker's
account has been somewhat condemned in places.

"Ceremonies on the death of a Pokomo belonging to the orders of Ngadzi
(Wakijo) and Ganga (Muyangana\ at Munyuni. (The Mwina tribe, in whose
district the village of Munyuni is situated, occupy a position midway between the
tribes of the Upper and the Lower Tana, their dialect approximating more to that
of the former, while they also share with them the custom of circumcision, and
belong to the same Ngadzi society ; from Benderani downwards the ' lodge ' is that
of the Lower Tana.)

"When I arrived at Munyuni on November 29 (1912), I heard that a man, the
father of one of our Christian youths, had been suddenly taken ill, so that he could
neither walk, speak, nor hear. By Pokomo customs, in such cases, all friends and
relatives of the patient come and seat themselves in, or in front of, his hut.
Conversation goes on and no special emotion is shown; even when it is known for
certain that death is approaching, no one sheds a tear. As soon, however, as the
last breath is drawn, everyone, as if at a word of command, begins to shriek and
wail in the most dreadful fashion. This is a universal Pokomo custom. On the
present occasion, when the wailing had lasted 20 minutes or half an hour, prepara-
tions were made for burial. One man bought a cloth, in which the corpse was to
be wrapped, others began to dig the grave, and others made ready two boards, from
a worn-out canoe, one being laid in the bottom of the grave, which is made so
narrow as only ju^t to admit the corpse. Above the level of the corpse, the sides

[ 66 ]

1913.] MAN. [No. 38.

of the grave are cut away, so as to leave a ledge on which the second and broader
plank is to rest, so that the corpse is quite covered and the earth does not touch it.
This practice, however, is of recent origin and has been adopted from the Christians.
Another man sharpens a knife, with which the dead man's whole body is shaved, the
hair being put into a quite new earthen bowl, half filled with water. The bowl con-
taining the hair and water was placed at the head of the grave ; the corpse was then
wrapped in the new cloth and two Wagangana (sorcerers) came into the hut with
a drum (Ngoma), which they beat, but in a fashion different from that followed
on other occasions. It was a deep, eerie sound that was produced, reminding one of
a funeral march ; the women sang and wailed at the same time. After the drum
had been beaten inside the hut fcr about ten minutes, they came out and stood
behind the hut, turning one end of the drum towards the spot where the dead man
lay. While they went on drumming in this position, two other men came and made
an opening in the back of the hut. (The corpse of a man must not be carried out
at the door, though this is done in the case of women and boys.) The body was
now brought out, wrapped in the new cloth, a fine ostrich feather, the badge of a
mukijo (elder), projecting from the cloth at the head end.

" The corpse was now placed in a canoe exactly in the middle. (This does not
necessarily imply that the grave was at a great distance. The Pokomo transport any
loads, even for short distances, by canoe, though if not loaded they usually prefer to
cross the numerous bends of the river on foot.) The women followed, still singing and
wailing, and got into the canoe, half of them sitting on each side facing the corpse.
A second large canoe (waho) was placed alongside the first, and in this the men
embarked carrying the drum. Two poles were now laid across both canoes, and a
man sat on each, his weight keeping the poles firm so that the canoes remained side
by side without being lashed together, as is done in the so-called Sangale (two canoes
placed parallel with a platform lashed between and across them ; used sometimes for
the transport of European invalids, and in all cases where a wider craft is required
than the usual dug-out). The paddling was done by one man in the stern of each
canoe. . . . As soon as the funeral party had left all was quiet in the village,
but directly they returned there was another outburst of wailing, which continued
all night in the house of the deceased, but stopped by day, to begin again at ten p.m.
on the following night. At seven a.m. on the day after the funeral all the dead
man's friends and relatives had their heads shaved. Large quantities of honey wine
are always consumed on this occasion. When any relative arrived from a distance
the death wail was raised again by all present. The widows are expected to remain
in seclusion and only speak in whispers till the great nyambura (funeral feast) has taken
place. . . . The customs followed on the Lower Tana differ in some respects,
but the main points are the same as those detailed above."

One of the native Christians at Ngao informed me — quite independently of the
above ; in fact, some weeks previous to the funeral described by Herr Becker — that
" long ago " (kae} they made the grave much shallower than they now do, and laid
no plank over the body, but, he added, they used to heat sand (mbika = " to cook,"
was the word he used) in an earthen pot and pour it over the grave (after it was filled
in). If this was not done they believed that the deceased would " cause them to
dream." This man was somewhat shocked Avhen told of the Gikuyu and Masai custom
of throwing out the dead, of which, evidently, he had never heard.

Another native Christian wrote out for me an account of some funeral ceremonies,
which is headed, " Miiko ya Kufwa," i.e., " prohibitions connected with death." After
mentioning the shaving and putting the hair into a bowl of water, he adds that the
corpse is anointed with oil, and, in the case of a mukijo or a mugangana, marked on
the forehead and breast in white, black, and red, the pigments employed being ashes,

[ 67 ]

Nos. 38-40.] MAN. [1913.

soot, and znzi (red ochre). According to this account the widow is not allowed to
leave her house for six months after the death. Though not explicitly so stated,
this seems to be the time when the funeral feast (called by this writer nyambnrn)
is held. I translate his account of the latter.

"Then, if his (i.e., the dead man's) son or his brother gets money, he buys much
honey and puts all things ready ; then he fetches all his brothers and sisters, and they
assemble together a second time and wail. Then they take rice and begin to grind it,
and then they call the wakijo, and when everything is prepared for the ngadzi they
assemble again, many people, and brew much honey wine (mochi). The nyambura
is beaten and the ngadzi sounded, and many people and youths (orani or worani) dance
for two days, and then they all drink mochi and get very drunk during three days,
and then all the men and women go home ; so the nyambura is ended, and the
ngadzi is returned to its (hiding place) in the bush (badani)."

I have not yet been able to ascertain what particular kind of drum is called
nyambura. The ngadzi, from which the order takes its name, is a friction-drum. A
specimen of this has been presented to the British Museum by Mr. Hollis.

A. WERNER.

Archaeology : Prehistoric. Grist.

What is a Natural Eolith? By C. J. Grist, M.A. QQ

Mr. Hazzledine Warren, in "Problems of Flint Fracture " (MAX, 1913,20), UU
makes reference to the production of natural eoliths by stream action. It so happens
the increasing demand for ferro-concrete makes it now possible, in some gravel-pits,
to examine with ease stream-fractured flints by the million, all washed clean and
graded to size. A search among these products of Nature leaves the impression
that either streams do not make eoliths, or Mr. Warren has not made clear what he
wishes to be understood by his word eolith.

As he reminds us, he has been a practical student of. flint fracture since 1889
and has given much thought and experiment to the eolithic problem, may I venture
to suggest that he should explain how he distinguishes his natural eolith from a
primitive human implement on the one hand, and on the other from a mere shapeless
fractured flint.

With Mr. Warren's experience of over twenty years in applying experimental
results to natural conditions, and from the careful and mature consideration which he
tells us such work requires, a lucid statement from him on these points should do
much to remove difficulties — difficulties of the pressure-made as well as of the stream-
made eolith. Tt should, for example, make clear why his own experimentally fractured
Hints were called eoliths which were exhibited on the lantern screen by Professor
Boyd Dawkins at the lecture — " The arrival of Man in Britain in the Pleistocene
Age." Lack of information tended to render that exhibit as useless as a show of
broken tea-cups. C. J. GRIST.

Archaeology : Prehistoric. Bell.

Subcrag Flints. By Alfred Bell. JO

Will Mr. Warren kindly point out any stream in a " flint " country where T U
such a " rain of blows " is to be seen " steadily delivered against other stones wedged
" in its bed ?" (Such a violent action would be more likely to tear the bed of the
stream up.) Very little has been done in ascertaining the constituents of the
" subcrag stone bed " or tracing out the provenance of the varied mixture that goes
to its making. As to whether it is entirely a marine deposit is quite a matter of
opinion. After fifty years of crag work, I take the line that much of it was accumu-
lated long before the crag waters came into our area, on an open land surface of
London Clay, including the bulk of phosphatic nodules or coprolites, plutonic and

[ 68 ]

1513,] MAX [Nos. 40-41.

Jurassic rocks and fossils, mammalian teeth and bones and the rich flora exhibited
in the well-preserved wood.

If Mr. Warren had, as I have had, the opportunity of seeing and handling a
large number of Mr. Moir's finds, and seen them exhumed as I have done, he would,
I imagine, never have written in such a supercilious fashion of a worker quite as careful
and painstaking to get at the truth as he is himself. Be this as it may, can he
find any of ^Nature's chipping so consistent in application as to produce a constant
repetition of one design, the rostro-carinates, for instance, at any other than subcrag
times, or are Ave to suppose that, having flaked one side of the flint, it turned it
over in order to repeat the process, and then forsaken the subcrag type of worked
flint for some other pattern ? ALFRED BELL.

China: Hong- Kong-. Jones.

A Chinese Phallic Stone. By Staff-Surgeon Kenneth H. Jones, M.B., 1 4

F.Z.S., R.N. lll

Looking down on one of the most popular walks of the people of Hong Kong
from the western slopes above the notorious Wong nai Cheong, or Happy Valley,
stands a huge mass of weathered granite with a nearly vertical face almost a hundred
feet in height.

The face of the cliff looks to the north, and behind the mass of granite is
gradually absorbed into the shoulder of the hill, from which it stands out as an
enormous buttress.

Perched on the top of this gigantic buttress is a great quadrangular granite
boulder some 20 feet high in an almost vertical position and having sides at the
base between 5 and 6 feet in length. The upper part of the boulder or column is,
from erosion, somewhat less laterally than the lower but continuous with the latter,
the whole forming one piece of stone.

The whole structure, the huge buttress and the column borne upon it, is the
result of erosion on the softer parts of the granite and has left the harder in this
most curious position.

This peculiarly-shaped boulder the Chinese call Yah yuen saak, or Huh-po-
sick ; the names are spelt phonetically. These names both mean the Harlot's or
the Bad Woman's Stone.

The better class Chinese are very reticent about this stone and the properties
which are supposed to belong to it.

On ascending to the column itself by a long steep flight of stone steps let into
the side of the hill and through a thick wood of young fir trees, it is found that a
well-built palm leaf hut is placed against the base, in which lives an old Chinese
who keeps several savage dogs and who makes a living by selling joss sticks and
red paper to the suppliants who come to the shrine, if such it can be called.

A small altar of the meanest description, plastered with " lucky " red papers
and bearing a few smouldering joss sticks, is the only thing about the place which
suggests any sort of ritual, and the Chinese are all agreed that nothing sacerdotal
appertains to the old man who sells the joss sticks. There is no doubt that this
stone is visited at all times of the year by large numbers of Chinese females, and
that in spite of the assertion that only harlots apply to it for success in their trade,
plenty of respectable married women resort to it in the hope of becoming pregnant.

I doubt very much any indecent rites occurring at this place, because for one
thing the Chinese women are exceedingly modest, and for another they are excessively
conventional, and therefore it is highly probable that the burning of joss sticks and
the " Kow tow " are all that happen here. I know of several other stones which
are not unlike this in position and in their suggestive shape, but none of them are

[ 69 ]

Nos. 41-42.]

MAN.

[1913.

used in a similar manner. It is quite possible that this particular stone may carry
its supposed powers from pre-Chinese times — that is to say, from before the second
or third century before our era.

There is excellent European authority for believing that at a place named
Chek Wan (Stone Valley), on the way to Canton, and some 40 miles from Hong
Kong, there is another famous phallic stone. At Chek Wan there is a very fine
temple, and possibly the stone is inside it, but this is uncertain.

In any case it appears that on a certain day, or on a few days, at the end of
April in each year, large numbers of prostitutes from Hong Kong and Canton resort
to this phallic stone and rub their breasts upon it with a view to prosperity in
their business.

Great license obtains at Chek Wan at such times, as might be expected.
There is little doubt that respectable Chinese women also visit this stone at other
times of the year.

It is of interest to observe that these stones, which no doubt originally were
associated with the idea of fecundity, have, like so many other things Chinese,
become degraded to their present status in the popular imagination by the wretched
conventionality which ruins so many Celestial ideals and causes them to lose their
earlier simpler meanings. KENNETH H. JONES.

Africa, East : Linguistics. Beech.

Endo Vocabulary. By Mervyn W. H. Beech, M.A. 1A

When in the Baringo district a few years ago I commenced a small com- •£
parative vocabulary of the dialects of the hill tribes neighbouring the Suk.

Unfortunately, I was unable to do little more than begin the work, but the
following words collected by me from the Endo Chief Loseron may be of interest.

The Endo, who are a link between Suk and Nandi, are an agricultural tribe
residing on the slopes of the Elgeyo Escarpment, and are briefly described on page 3
of my book on the Suk Language and Folklore.

The scheme of spelling is the same adopted in my work on the Suk referred
to above.

English.

Endo.

Suk.

Remarks.

Yes

6- - - -

Id.

No-

Erwos -

Id.

Not

Me

Id.

1 -

Okoiigo

Id. -

-^

2 -

Orin, oden

Oglrieng -

3 -

Somok -

Id. -

4 -

Angwan

Id. -

5 -

Mut

Id. -

6 -

L6*

M ut-ngo-okongo

7 -
8 -
9 -
10 -
11 -

Sisit
Ti-op -
Sakor -
Taman ...
Taman-ngo-okongo

Mut-ngo-oghieng
Mut-ngo-somok
Mut-ngo-afigwan
Id. -
Id. -

The most noteworthy difference
, tween the two dialects is that
' Suk system of numeration is
more primitive.

be-
the
the

12 -

Taman ngo-'den -

T;iman-ngo-oghiefig -

13 -

T;imau-ng6 - somok

Id. -

14 -

Taman-ng6-mut -

Id. -

15 -

Taman-ngo-lo9

Taman-ngo-mut-ngo-

okongo

20 -

Tiptem -

Id. -

J

Man

Chi

Id.

Woman -

Kukun --.

Korko*.

Child -

Mondo - - -

Mumvfig - - -

Of. Suk, "my child," monde-nyan.

Probably mondo = " my child."

I 70

1913.]

MAN.

[No. 42.

English.

Endo.

Suk.

Remarks.

Father -

Baba ...

Bapu.

Mother -

lyu ...

Id.

Brother (my) -

Werinja

Id. = " my brother."

Sister (my) -

Cheptenja

Id. = " my sister."

Son

Masowon

Milnung -

Suk, maso-won = herdsman. This work

Daughter

Ngeremnyon

Chepto.

is generally done by children.

Friend -

Thelia5 -

Id.

Enemy -

Tham -

Piiun.

Chief -

Kiruwokin -

Id.

King

Nil

Nil.

Sorcerer

Werkoi-yon -

Id.

Head -

Met

Id.

Donkey -

Nyetome

Sigir-ios -

Nyetome is said also to be a Turkana

word for " elephant."

Hair

Asulsul -

Put.

Eye

Kong ...

Id.

Nose

Ser

Id.

Mouth -

Kot

Id.

Tooth -

Kelat -

Id.

Tongue -

Ngaliep

Id.

Ear

Ylt - - -

Id.

Neck

Kat

Id.

Body -

Pur

Id.

Arm

Hegh -

Id.

Hand -

Hegh - - -

Id.

Leg

Kel

Id.

Foot (sole of) -

Tapesa -

Kel.

Shoulder

Poh - - -

Leiy-os.

Back

Korot -

Korot.

Skin

Undo* -

Ser-a.

Heart -

Mugulo

Mughulo.

Liver

Nuak - - -

Ngasat

Nuak is Suk for spleen. Probably I

have made an error here.

Bone

K6wos -

Id.

Blood -

Koroti -

Kisen.

Wai-

Luk

Id,

Spear

Tenga -

Ngot.

Club -

Kisambara -

Rungu.

Bow

Kuang -

Kwoang.

Arrow -

Supit - - -

Kotat - - -

Supit in Suk is the \vooden head of an

arrow.

Shield -

Kap-takTyu -

Long-6.

House -

K6

Id.

Boat

—

Kadich

Cf. 1-kadich (hjemusi).

Food

Pande -

Om-isio5 -

Cf. Suk, " meat," pendo, panye, piny.

Beast -

Tiony -

Id.

Bird

Tarit -

Id.

Fish

Korowo5

Kb'ogh-wa.

Fire

Mas, mat

Id.

Water -

Perr

Pogh.

River

Lalua ---

Id,

Lake

Noroi-yon

Weiwei.

Earth -

Puris

Nyungwin

Cf. Suk, pures = dung.

Mountain

Kokwa -

Kutung -

Kdkwa in Suk = assemblage. It is

literally a kind of tree under which

assemblies are held. Cf. the Kikuya

custom, where " Hngumu," a fig-tree,

comes to mean " place of sacred

•

assembly."

Stone

Kogh -

Id.

Tree . -

Ket

Id.

Forest -

Kerti -

Wu.

Sky

Him -

Tcrorut -

Cf. Suk, " yim " = " above."

Sun

Ngolai - - -

Asis.

Moon

Arawa* - - -

Id.

Star

Kab-char

Kokel.

Clouds -

Kapuret

Pult-oi -

Kapuret in Suk = mist.

Wind -

Karundu

Yamat.

Nos. 42-43 ]

MAN.

[1913,

English.

Kudo.

Suk.

Kemarks.

Rain

Hat

Id.

Thunder

Hat

Kerial -

The Suk separate divinities of rain and

thunder, become here merged in one.

Day

Asis -

Ifl.

Night -

Katorit - - -

Ogha*.

Shadow -

Kitomlo

Id.

Breath -

Kimuny

Ki-muny.

Soul

Mugulo

Mughulo ...

i.e., " heart " or " seat of life."

Spirit -

Oinyet -

Onyet

It is this part of a man which passes into

a snake at death.

God

Tororut

Id -

Or " sky.''

I ...

Ani -

Itl.

Thou

Nyi -

Id.

He, she, it

Nyende

Id.

We

Acha

Id.

You

Akwa -

Id.

They

Chane -

Id.

Who, which -

Ngo

Id.

This

Nyi - - -

Id.

That -

Nyi no -

Iff.

Large

Nya-wci

Ifl.

Small -

Nya-mencng

Id.

Many

Cha-chang -

Id.

Few

Cha-ngeri

Id.

All

Lopai ...

Id.

Long

Kogh -

Id.

Short -

Nuak -

Taiigogh.

MERVYN W. II. BEECH, M.A.

Religion. Wright.

Spirits of the Corn and of the Wild ("Man," 1913, 15). By T. F.

Wright.

With reference to the extract from the Gentleman'1 s Magazine, 1779, as to a
Shrove Tuesday observance in Kent "Holly Boy" and "Ivy Girl," I find in the
Cambridge History of English Literature, Vol. II, p. 379, the following: —

" Charming also are the songs of ivy and holly which were sung in connection
with some little ceremony of the season. In all the songs ivy and holly appear as
rivals, and. whatever the ceremony may have been, it certainly was a survival of
those festival games in connection with the worship of the spirit of fertility, in
which lads invariably championed the cause of holly, and lasses that of ivy.
(Cf. Chambers, The Mediceval Stage, I, 251, and Chapter III ; Ellis and Brand,
Popular Antiquities, I, 68, 519 if.) We can fancy young men entering the hall
with branches of holly (Cf. Bodleian MS. Eng. Poet, E 1, f. 53b — Percy Society,
LXXIII, 84).

" Here commys holly, that is so gent,
To pleasse all men is his eutent," etc.

singing the praises of the shrub, and warning their hearers not to speak lightly of
it (ibid., ff. 30a, 53b — Percy Society, LXXIII, 44; 84), while young women enter
from an opposite direction and go through a similar performance wifh the ivy.
Thereupon both young men and young women enter upon some kind of a dance,
which resolves itself into a contest in which the boys drive the girls from the hall.

" Holy with his mery men they can daunce in hall,
Ivy and her ientyl women can not daunce at all,
But lyke a meyny of bullokes in a waterfall,
Or on a whot somer's day when they be mad all.

[ 72 ]

1913.] MAN. [Nos. 43-44.

Nay, nay, ive, it may not be iwis ;

For holy must liaue the mastry, as the raaner is.

Holy and his mery men sytt in cheyres of gold ;

Ivy and her ientyll women sytt withowt in ffold,

With a pay re of kybid helis cawght with cold.

So wold I that every man had, that with yvy will hold.

Xay, nay, ive, it may not be iwis ;

For holy must haue the mastry, as the maner is.
(MS. Balliol, 354, f. 229 b-Anglia, XXVI, 279.)

" This debat of holly and ivy, like other songs of winter and summer, looks back
to that communal period when dialogue was just beginning to emerge from the
tribal chorus."

Mr. Andrew Lang made some remarks on this in his page of the Illustrated
London News, 1908, which put me on the track, but I think his remarks contained
nothing more than a reference to the above. I feel sure I preserved Mr. Lang's
note, but I am away from my papers and fear I cannot refer. T. F. WRIGHT.

Africa, East. Barrett.

A'Kikuyu Fairy Tales (Rogano). By Captain W. E. H. Barrett. J 1

THE ADVENTURES OF KAMAU AND NJEROGE.

One day a party of warriors went forth to attack an enemy, when one of them,
by name Kamau, fell down in a fit. His companions, thinking he must shortly die,
left him lying insensible by the roadside and continued their journey. Towards the
cool of the evening Kamau recovered consciousness, and raising his head looked about
him and saw that he had been deserted. He was too weak to stand, but with a great
effort raised himself on his hands and knees and started crawling in the direction of
liis village. After proceeding for a short distance he suddenly came upon, the carcase
of an elephant which had b6en partly eaten by hyaenas. Getting together a few
sticks he lit a fire, and cutting off a portion of the elephant's head he cooked and ate
it. When he had satisfied his hunger he recovered his strength and was able to
stand up. Just as he was leaving to continue his journey homewards he heard a
flapping of wings and saw a huge vulture swooping down towards him. Terrified at
its appearance he ran and hid himself inside the dead elephant. The huge bird
alighted on the carcase and, eating a little, seized the remainder of the carcase in its
talons and flew off. After some time the bird alighted on a tree, and Kamau, who
looked out from his hiding place, found himself on an immense tree growing in the
centre of a large lake, and the tree was so large that its boughs stretched over the water
for many miles. Presently he heard a voice calling him by name, and, looking down,
he saw a water spirit swimming round below him. The spirit then asked him who
he was and where he had come from. Kamau told him the whole story of his adven-
tures from the time he had left his village. After he had finished the spirit said to
him, " I am sorry for you and would like to help you, as I was once a man like you
*' are ; perhaps if you walk along one of the boughs of the tree you will find that it
" stretches to some land, and so you will be able to drop down and go home." Kamaii
thanked him for his advice and started to walk along one of the boughs, but after
walking for many hours he came to the end of it and saw only water beneath him.
He returned very downhearted and told the spirit that he had done as he had directed
but found only water beneath him. The spirit thought for a few minutes and then
said : "I only told you to walk along the bough to test your courage. I now see
" that you are brave, and will tell you the only way to escape from your prc-rn:
" plight. When the vulture sleeps to-night creep up behind it and seize hold of

[ 73 ]

No. 44.] MAN. [1913.

" one of its tail feathers, and do not let go until you reach land." Once more
Kamau thanked the spirit, which then disappeared under the water. That night
Kamau crept up to the vulture while it slept, and caught hold of one of its tail
feathers. (He did not sleep at all for fear he might let the feather go.) Early the
next morning the vulture woke up, and having stretched itself, spread out its wings
and flew off, with Kamau still holding on to its tail. After flying rapidly for some
time the vulture alighted not far from Kamau's village, and no sooner had it reached
the ground than it flew up again, leaving Kamau behind with one of its tail feathers
still in his hand. Kamau was delighted at finding himself near his home again, and
at once set off towards his village, taking the feather with him, hiding it in his
hut, and telling no one of his adventure.

A few days after his return Njeroge, a warrior from a neighbouring village
climbed up into a large hollow tree to search for honey. When he reached the top
he lost his balance and fell into the hollow trunk, alighting on the back of a large
python, which was asleep at the bottom of the cavity The python was at first
very angry at being awakened so abruptly by a stranger, but on Njerogeh explaining
that he had fallen into the tree by accident the python was pacified, and said,
" If you had come here intentionally I should kill you, but as you came accidentally
" I will help you to get out ; catch hold of my tail and I will drag you to the
" top of the tree." Njerogeh did as he was told and the python climbed slowly up
the trunk of the tree, until it dragged him to the place from where he fell. Njerogeh
thanked the python for its kindness, and, climbing down to the ground, ran home.

The next day he prepared a feast, and, calling all the warriors from the sur-
rounding villages, told them that a great adventure had befallen him, and that the
man who had passed through one greater than his should eat at the feast with him.
All told their adventures, but at each one Njerogeh laughed and said, " That is
" nothing." Kamau happened to be passing at that time, and Njerogeh called out
to him to come and relate any dangers he had been through, as he might be able
to eat the feast with him. Kamau related his adventure with the vulture, but it
was so marvellous that none would believe him. until he went to his hut and pro-
duced the feather. Njerogeh then told of his meeting with the python, but all those
assembled agreed that Kamau's adventure was greater than his ; so the two of them
sat down and ate the excellent feast that Njerogeh had prepared, and for ever
afterwards they were looked upon as the greatest heroes of their tribe.

THE WARRIOR AND THE IRIMO.

In a fight near the plains between some Masai and A'Kikuyu Avarriors all the
latter were killed except one man, who fled in the direction of his own country. On
the way he met an Irimo (an evil spirit), who asked him where he was going. The
warrior related to him the story of the defeat of his party by the Masai, and informed
him that he was on his way home. The Irimo said he would accompany him part
of the journey, and they travelled together for some distance. On the way they met
a large number of Irimo, who being very hungry were delighted to see the warrior, as
they intended to eat him. Leaving some of their number to guard him, the rest
hopped about and collected sticks for a fire. While the fire was being made the
warrior said, " I am tired of life as all my companions have been killed, so am quite
" willing to die. Before you kill me, however, I should like to teach you the dance
" of my people." The Irimo were very pleased, as they were fond of learning new
dances, and agreed that he should dance to them. In order that he should not
escape, however, they placed a belt of leather round his waist, and to this tied a hide
rope many miles long. The warrior started dancing vigorously and gradually placed
a distance between himself and the Irimo. These latter every now and then gave a

[ 74 ]

1913,] MAK. [No. 44.

pull at the rope to see that he had not loosened himself. Seeing the log of a tree
lying near a wood the warrior ran to it, slipped off the leather belt, and tied it on to
the log ; he then ran as hard as he could in the direction of his village. The Irimo not
seeing him pulled at the rope, and finding a weight at the end of it thought he had
got tired and gone to sleep. So when they had made a sufficiently large fire they
all raced to the place where they thought the warrior was lying. To their rage they
found only a log. All of them followed the footprints of the warrior for many miles,
but eventually gave up the pursuit as useless and returned to their homes very
hungry and very angry, as their dinner had escaped them.

THE BOY, THE BULL, AND THE MASAI RAIDERS.*

In a certain A'Kikuyu village there lived a boy about six years old and an
immense bull named Nyangeh ; both had been born on the same day and they were
great friends. When the boy went to herd his father's cattle he would ride on the back
of Nyangeh and talk to him the whole time. Towards evening the boy would say to
the bull, »' Nyangeh, come let us take back the cattle ; night draws nigh and an enemy
*' may come upon us unawares." The two friends would then drive the herd home.

One day a Masai warrior who was passing by caught sight of a fine herd of
cattle, guarded only by a small boy, who rode on the back of a bull. Hastening
back to his home, he told his friends, and arranged with them to go and capture
this herd. Fifty warriors set out fully armed, and after travelling a long distance
saw everything as their informant had said. They rushed forward to seize the
cattle, but the small A'Kikuyu boy ordered Nyangeh to kill them. The huge beast
pierced some with his horns and others he trampled under foot until all were killed
except one. This man being fleet of foot escaped, and running to his village told
what had befallen his companions. Everyone thought he was lying, and another
war party, 100 strong, was despatched by the Masai chief.

This party was annihilated in the same way as the first had been ; only one
warrior escaping. This man fled and returned to his home. He told his story to
his chief, who, thinking there must be some truth this time in what was reported to
him, sent 500 warriors to capture the cattle and avenge the defeat of their friends.

Seeing this large party of Masai approaching, the boy, who had eaten nothing
that day and was faint from hunger, jumped off the back of Nyangeh and ran
towards his mother's hut. On the way he passed several villages, and at each he
asked for food, saying that he intended when he had eaten to follow up the Masai
raiders and get his father's cattle back from them. However, no one would give
him anything, and all laughed at him, saying he must be mad to think of following
up the Masai, who by this time must be well on their way towards their own
country. The boy, on reaching his mother's hut, ate some food and some he placed
in a bag and tied on his shoulders ; he then said good-bye to his mother and
followed on the tracks the stolen cattle had made. After many days he came to
a hill which looked down on to a large plain. Not far from the foot of the hill
he saw a Masai village with a big herd of cattle grazing near it. Among this herd
he recognised his father's cattle and Nyangeh among them. In the evening he
watched the Masai drive all the cattle into their village and place them in enclo-
sures made of thorn bushes. That night the boy went close up to the village
and sang : —

" Nyangeh, Nyangeh, I am the boy who was born on the same day as you were

born.

You helped me twice to defeat the fierce Masai ;
Why have you now forgotten me and gone with these savages ? "

* Cf A story in Calla way's Zulu Tales.
[ 75 ]

Nos, 44-45.] MAN. [1913.

As soon as Nyangeh heard his voice he charged through the thorn bushes, and
escaping went to his young friend, followed by all the cattle belonging to his herd,
and also by all the others which belonged to the Masai.

The boy at once jumped on his back and directed him to drive away the
warriors who were pursuing them. Nyangeh charged down upon their pursuers and
in a short time killed so many that the rest took to flight. When they had been
thoroughly routed, the boy rode home on the bull, driving the immense herd of cattle
in front of him. On reaching his own country he met the same people who had
refused him food, and laughed at him when he told them that he intended to follow
the Masai. They were all very much astonished to see him back safe and sound,
and seeing the herd of cattle he had captured they tried to make friends with him,
hoping that they might get some from him. He, however, declined to give them a
single head, saying, " No, I will give you nothing. On the day when I asked you
" for food you gave me nothing, but laughed at me, instead of offering to help me
" to recover my father's cattle. You are all a lot of cowards, and 1 wish to have
" nothing to say to any of you."

He then proceeded to his mother, who welcomed him with great joy. After this
adventure the boy was looked upon with great respect by the rest of the tribe, and
when he was old enough was made chief over them. W. E. H. BARRETT.

REVIEWS.
India and Persia. Fryer.

Fryer's East India and Persia. Edited by W. Crooke, B.A., I.C.S., Ret.
Vol. I. (Hakluyt Society).

Fryer's Travels ranks as one of the most able and interesting among those of
the early English works dealing with the East. The author was a man of science,
a Fellow of the Royal Society, and acquainted with the best botanical, zoological,
and geological knowledge of the seventeenth century. He was, moreover, an excel-
lent observer and took a great interest in the customs of the races with which he
was brought in contact, and of their religion and learning. Although his acquaint-
ance with India was confined to the western sea-board he observed whatever he had
the opportunity of seeing. Among others may be noticed his observations on the
poll-tax imposed on Hindus by Auraugzeb (p. 275), the dependence of Musalmans
on Banyans (p. 282) in mercantile matters, the Embassy to Sivaji (p. 198), the journey
to Junnar, and descriptions such as that of the Fakir and the image of Hanumfm
on p. 313.

The second volume (just issued) contains the interesting " Relation of the
Canatick Country," including a visit to Goa with accounts of the Portuguese
Government and the religious communities. With regard to Mr. Crooke's note on
p. 12 on the exposition of the body of St. Francis Xavier, in which he says that it
was last exposed to view in 1859, it may be noted that it was again shown to the
public amid great enthusiasm in 1890 (as described in a newspaper of December 28th,
1890). The right arm was found to be missing and was said to have been sent to
Rome long before. The Jesuits, it appears, were known as Paulistas (not Paulistins
as Fryer puts it). The misquoted Portuguese couplet on p. 13 does not appear to
be quite correctly given in the note. Probably it should read

0 Francisco guarde minha mulher ;
O Paulista guarde meu dinheiro.

?'.e., " Let the Franciscan look after my wife and the Jesuit after my money."

Another bit of Fryer's Portuguese (on p. 12), " For Amor de Frisco,"" should,
no doubt, read " Pelo amor de frescura" " for the love of coolness."

[ 76 ]

1913.] MAN. [Nos. 45-46.

Fryer's account of the conflict between his ship and a Malabar pirate is
excellent reading. The name Canorein (p. 27) which Fryer states is the name of
the "mass of the people" is the word still used in Portugal (Canarim) much as we
use Eurasian. I have heard the saying in Portugal, ;' There never yet was a
" Canarim who was not a descendant of Albuquerque ! " It seems very probable
that the Anglo-Indian word Karani (vulgo Cranny} is an inversion of Kaniiri. This
provides a more likely origin than that from Sanskrit " karana " quoted by Yule
(s.v. Cranny) from Wilson.

Among the more purely native observations of Fryer may be mentioned his
account of the Lingayats (p. 77) and of the Holi (p. 79).

Fryer's general knowledge of India as far as it went is summed up in his
Special Chorography and History of East India.

The remainder of the second volume which concludes Fryer's work is taken up
with his journey in Persia from Gombroon to Ispahan aud back, an interesting
narrative although the route had been traversed by many European travellers.

Mr. Crooke brings an unrivalled knowledge of the races and beliefs of India to
bear on the elucidation of the numerous difficulties in explanation and identification
which arise in such a work, and has produced an admirable edition, worthy of the
Hakluyt Society. M. LONGWORTH DAMES.

New Guinea. Murray.

Papua or British New Guinea. By J. H. P. Murray, Lieut. -Governor of 1 O
Papua. London and Leipsic : T. Fisher Unwin. Pp. 379. 15s. net. • U

A volume concerning one of our distant possessions, written by its Lieutenant-
Governor, is invested with the authority which his official position and knowledge
gives to it, and can hardly fail to be interesting and instructive.

The book now under review is a general one, dealing, among other things, with
the geography and history of Papua, the administration of justice there, and the
development of the country ; but, notwithstanding the author's modest statement that
he does not "know anything of ethnology," the portions which describe the native
inhabitants and their customs are most interesting to the ethnologist.

This description is worked out on a geographical system. Mr. Murray commences
at the German boundary on the north-eastern coast, from which he travels along the
coast to the south-eastern extremity of New Guinea ; he then goes to the islands,
after which he returns along the south-western coast until he reaches the Dutch
boundary. As the whole of this distance is covered in 104 pages, the author's progress
is necessarily rapid, and the information given is only of a fragmentary character.
Very many of the fragments are, however, extremely interesting. We are told, for
instance, that the Trobriand islanders believe that they are descended from three women
who came out of the ground, being assisted, one by a dog, one by a pig, and one by
an iguana, and that these are the animal totems of the three tribes who claim these
women as their ancestors ; also of a social custom in the island of Sim (one of the
Trobriands), under which only the married people and children live in the island
itself, the young men and girls living together on a neighbouring island : and numerous
other examples of interest might be quoted.

When Mr. Murray comes to the central division on the south-west coast, his
chapters become less fragmentary, dealing with the different tribes more from a general
and comparative point of view, and this is perhaps still more so when he reaches
the Gulf district.

His statement that the customs of the Melanesian-speaking Kuni people " are
" quite different from those of the mountaineers, and approximate to those of the

[ 77 ]

Nos. 46-47.] MAN. [1913.

" Melanesians of the coastal plain " is open to question, as also is his suggestion
that these Kuni people " are Melanesian . . , and not part of the aboriginal

" population." It is not disputed that these people have Melanesian blood in their
veins, and that they have Melauesian customs ; but both physically and culturally
they approximate much more closely to the Mafulu people of the mountains behind
them. Indeed, in physique the two tribes are almost indistinguishable, and, if the
Mafulu have the partial negrito ancestry which is now suspected, it can hardly be
doubted that the Kuni people have it also.

It has been suggested that the natives to the north and south of the main range
in the central district of Papua are more or less in touch with one another ; some
detailed confirmation of this is given by Mr. Murray, and the fact, if recognised,
must be borne in mind in dealing with the many complex ethnological problems which
are met with in this area.

As regards the Gulf district, it is interesting to note Mr. Murray's reference to the
statement of Mr. Beaver (the leader of the party who went in search of Mr. Scaniforth
Smith in his perilous expedition in search of the Strickland river in 1910-11) that
the people whom he found in the upper reaches of the Kikori river are lighter skinned
than those of the coast, and Mr. Murray's statement that the Kukukuku people of
the interior behind the coastal district of Motumotu are also lighter skinned. than
those of the coast. The existence of lighter skinned people in the interior of the
Gulf district (the reverse of what is found in the central district) has been reported
before ; but at present we do not know how widely these lighter people are
distributed.

Mr. Murray criticises the use by ethnologists of the term " Papuan " as a general
one for the earlier inhabitants of New Guinea, in contradistinction to the term
*' Papuo-Melanesian," applied to the mixed tribes arising from the subsequent super-
impositions of Melanesians from more easterly islands of the Pacific ; and in this
connection he draws attention to the wide differences existing between the various
Papuan languages. His objection is based on the fact that the term "Papua" has
been adopted as the official name of British New Guinea. It may be pointed out,
however, that the word " Papuan " had been used by ethnologists long before it was
adopted by the Australian Government with an official meaning, and, as used, it is a
convenient name for the earlier inhabitants of the island, who, notwithstanding their
differences of language, are in many respects similar, and may well be classed together,
and are clearly distinguishable from the Melanesians.

The whole book provides extremely interesting reading, and is rendered even
more enjoyable by the free and pleasant style in which it is written, and the happy
way in which Mr. Murray introduces here and there humorous narratives of the
experiences which he and other officials have had in their many journey ings through
the country. ROBERT W. WILLIAMSON.

Africa, Central. Kitching;.

On the Backwaters of the Nile ; Studies of some Child Races of Central
Africa. By the Rev. A. L. Kitchiug, M.A. T. Fisher Unwin, 1912. Price
12s. 6d. net.

This is a most interesting book, and the anthropologist will find it valuable,
though he might wish that the author had been a little more definite in some
places as to the particular people with which he is dealing.

Mr. Kitching commenced the study of his subject in the proper manner.
" Doubtless it seems hard to the novice, but it is in the highest degree important
" that he should derive his first impressions of language and thought direct from

[ 78 ]

1913.] MAN. [Nos. 47-48.

" the people he is to try to win." He recognises that there is an African etiquette
that " the black man has his ' don't ' as well as the white man, though the points
" emphasised are so totally different. A universal 'don't' is to avoid stepping
" across the food when it is laid out on the mat or leaves ready for a meal. . . .
" Before a meal don't wash your hands only up to the wrist, but go as far as the
" elbow." Some " don'ts " are more serious ; for instance, a Teso woman " must never
" appear in public without her belt of iron rings, or she may be accused of dabbling
" in witchcraft, ' and " when preceding your chief along a path do not forget to call
" his attention to every root, stone, or hole in the way, lest he stumble and people
" remark that you hate or despise him." Dangerous reputations to possess in an
African state !

The means taken for the preservation of children often kill them instead.
Young married women, about to become mothers, are initiated into the cares and
trials to come, " the idea being to harden the yet unborn infant that it may be able
" to face life with a good constitution. The shrieks and yells were from the
" unfortunate mother-to-be, who was being driven round the village by her male
" relatives with blows of sticks and plentiful sousing with cold water. The blows
" and water are supposed to expel from the child the demons of sickness and
" cowardice and weakness of every description, but it is hardly surprising after
" such treatment if many of the infants fail to live beyond a few hours or days."
If it does manage to live, it and the mother are exposed to the weather and the
insects for some days.

" Among the Banyoro the names of the various bacwezi, or familiar spirits,
" are very commonly borne by both boys and girls, such as Dwakaikara (the local
" ' Smith '), Wamara, Kaguju." Infants may be named after special events, such
as a journey by the father, or the drinking of medicine by the mother. " The
" prevalence of infant mortality is emphasised by the frequency with which some
" names recur. When a boy is named Wempisi it is usually because several
" children have been born before and all died, and had been exposed to be eaten by
" the hyrenas. mpisi being the name of the hyaena in Lunyoro."

Then come remarks on the treatment of the umbilical cord and twins, and
space forbids to go further into these matters, but the above will give some idea
of the thorough way in which Mr. Kitching has done his work — and this is only
one branch of the material which he has collected. In addition to being valuable,
the book is readable, a sketch-map and many excellent photographs adding to its
attractiveness. A. J. N. T.

Heroic Age. Chadwick.

The Heroic Age. By H. Munro Chadwick. Cambridge University Press, JA
1912. Price 12s. net. TU

Mr. Chadwick considers the Heroic Age to be the period of adolescence, with its
characteristic virtues and shortcomings, in the history of nations. This somewhat
obvious conclusion he reaches by analysis of the religious, political and social
phenomena of the heroic ages of the Teutonic, the Greek, the Servian, the Cambrian,
and other nationalities. His evidence is script in the form of sagas, lays, epic and
other narrative poetry.

The field, therefore, over which he travels is one in which the material lends itself,
within certain limits, to much individual speculation. And perhaps what strikes an
admirer of Mr. Chadwick's erudition and scholarship is that he has not always
sufficiently borne in mind that characteristic of poetry which Aristotle pointed out, and
upon which he himself remarks. Poetry as distinguished from history tells of what
ou»ht to be, not necessarily of what is. Mr. Chadwick assumes throughout that

[ 79 ]

Nos. 48-49.] MAN. [1913.

because a thing was stated in poetry, therefore it must at some time have been.
Excluding, of course, the supernatural, there is no religious or political or social
happening mentioned in poetry for which he does not claim a definite historical counter-
part. This is specially noticeable in his treatment of the Homeric poems. Because
they are, on the whole, court poems of the life of kings', therefore there must have
been kings with courts such as they describe. Such reasoning is, of course, wholly
fallacious, and leaves out of account the instinctive magnifying power of the creative
imagination.

Therefore Mr. Chadwick's division of Teutonic heroic poetry into four historical
stages is not particularly impressive. Nor is it particularly useful to Mr. Chadwick,
for he implicitly gives up the attempt to apply his division in other fields of poetry.

He suggests that the essential conditions for a Heroic Age need not involve
more than may be summed up in the phrase "Mars and the Muses." But, as he
himself points out elsewhere, the truth lies deeper. The essence of heroic societies
is personality. Personal achievement and the praise of personal achievement, each
acting upon and advancing the other, are their springs of thought and action. Each
finds its consummation in the prince, who is always the bravest man, never the best
ruler.

Mr. Chadwick has much to say about Homer (one sometimes wonders how long
the use of that name will be permissible). He rejects, probably rightly, the modern
theory thai; the Iliad and Odyssey grew up in the Greek settlements of Asia Minor on
a basis of ballads. They refer to a sub-Mycenean age. " When," to quote his words,
" the storms broke upon Greece, crowds of refugees fled to the new TEolic settlements
" across the JEgean. Among them were many court minstrels, who brought with
" them not only a poetic technique matured by long experience but also a number
" of poems,"

The merits of the book have been indicated. They are somewhat impaired by a
lack of method — (why does a chapter on the Causes of the Heroic Age come last in
the book) — by a tendency to repetition, probably reminiscent of academical necessities,
and a certain diffuseness of style. By the way, Mr. Chadwick .should remember that
if he must use the first person singular (in itself somewhat to be deprecated in a study
of this kind) he must never also use the first person plural. H. A. A. C.

ANTHROPOLOGICAL NOTE.

THE Report of the Royal Commission on University Education in London, over 1 Q
which Lord Haldane of Cloan presided, contains an interesting declaration of «U
official policy towards anthropology in the following words : — " There is no doubt in
" our opinion that a well-equipped department of ethnology is a necessary adjunct
" in the School of Oriental Studies -about to be established in the City. It is almost
" as important that officials and others intending to spend their lives in the East or
" in parts of the Empire inhabited by non-European races should have a knowledge
" of their racial characteristics as that they should be acquainted with their speech,
" and we have reason to believe that the Colonial Office shares this view " (p. 66).
The Council of the Institute is fully aware of the importance of the great and far-
reaching measures which are likely to be devised at no distant date for the organi-
sation of the intellectual resources of the Empire, and have submitted representations
to the Secretary of State for India in Council as to the necessity for including
anthropology among the subjects to be dealt with in the Oriental Institutes which
are. likely to be founded in London and in India.

Printed by EYRE AND SPOTTISWOODE, LTD., His Majesty's Printers, East Harding Street, E.C-

PLATE F.

MAX, 1913.

.

FIG. i.

Vs*

FIG. 2.
THE PLEASING OF THE GOD THANGJING.

1913.]

MAN.

[No. 50.

50

ORIGINAL ARTICLES.
India : Manipur. With Plate F. Shakespear.

The Pleasing of the God Thangjing. By Lieut.-CoL J. Shakespear,
C.I.E., D.S.O.

The inhabitants of Moirang are divided into fifteen families, each of which has
its particular god or goddess, but over all is the god Thangjing, therefore all the
lesser divinities join in his Harauba, or " Pleasing." About four o'clock little pro-
cessions emerge from the different Leikais or quarters inhabited by the different
families. Each consists of a gaudy litter surmounted by a canopy in which are
some of the sacred clothes of the god or goddess, for except in the case of Nong-
shaba1, the divinities do not come in person ; with each litter is a drummer, one or
two umbrella bearers, and a few followers. Nongshaba and his wife Sarunglaima
come in person, two by no means beautiful figures. The reason of this is that they
are the parents of Thangjing.
Nongshaba is the greatest of
the Umang lai or forest gods,
but he made his only son,
Thangjing the chief god of
Moirang. These processions all
converge on the Lai-sang of
Thangjing and the gods and
goddesses or their emblems are
taken from the litters and carried
inside the Lai-sang (god's house)
and placed beside Thangjing.
Previous to the arrival of the
gods the Moirang Ningthou
{King of Moirang) and his wife
the Moirang Leima have taken
their seats in specially prepared
sheds on the right and left of
the Lai-sang2. As soon as the
last of the gods has been in-
stalled some five or six men
take up their position before
the Lai-sang and commence a
chorus of " 0 ho ! O ho ! Oha !
He! He! Hi! .Hi!" repeated
over and over again, reminding
one of the shouts of Nagas.
Then a procession is formed.
Thangj ing's sacred Dahs carried by two men lead the way, followed by women
bearing his vessels, men with his umbrellas, then a drummer and some Penna3
players, followed by the litter of the Moiraug Leima, behind which comes that of
her spouse. The Ningthou and the Leima each wear a silken sling round
the neck which reaches to the waist, and in which reposes a small earthen pot
containing twenty sel, a betel nut, and a pan leaf. The top of each pot is covered
with green leaves, which are tied round the neck, and from the centre of which
projects some six or eight inches a bunch of leaves surmounted by a white flower.
Beside this is a bobbin round which a cotton thread is wound. The procession halts
beside a stream which passes through the village ; the litters are placed side by side

[ 81 ]

FIG. 1.

No. 50.] MAN. [1913.

a few feet from the water's edge. The Maibis, z'.e., priestesses, one of whom is a
man dressed in a woman's clothes, sprinkle the water with flour and roasted dhan
called " Puk yu, wai yu," out of which a mildly intoxicating drink is made. Seven
short lengths of bamboo are stuck in the mud beside the water and these are
sprinkled with the rice, &c., and with water. This is done to appease the seven
evil spirits, Saroi and Naroi4, who are ever on the look-out to injure mankind.

The female Maibi then comes forward and enters the water a short way, carrying
a parcel made of leaves, which contains some rice, a duck's egg, a little gold and silver,
and a lime. She first flips5 the surface of the water three times, then immerses the
parcel in the water, and after withdrawing it she throws it into the stream and ugain
flips the surface. This operation is repeated with a second parcel and then with
two parcels at the same time. The first two parcels are said to be an offering to the
Lam-lai6 (country god) of the water ; the two which are thrown in together are for
Thangjing. The male Maibi now takes the earthen pots from the Ningthou and the
Leima7, and dances a measure on the bank accompanied by the female Maibi, who
holds a bunch of green leaves called Langterei in one hand while she tinkles a little
bell with the other. The Pennas or fiddles play the while. Then the female Maibi
takes the earthen pots, and entering the water, moves them gently about in the water,
taking care that no water goes inside. She then sprinkles a little water on the
upright leaves. The pots are then returned to the Ningthou and Leima, who stand
beside the water with the pots in their slings. The bobbins are removed and the
threads unwound ; the female Maibi holds the bobbins in her hand, while the other
ends of the threads are tied inside the pots. The female Maibi, holding the bunch
of Langterei leaves and the bobbins in her right hand, and tinkling a small bell with
her left, stoops down and moves the Langterei leaves about in the water. The male
Maibi holds up the middle of the threads to keep them out of the water. The
female Maibi intones a long incantation interspersed with extempore prayers to
Thangjing to manifest himself and Wess the country. She gets more and more excited
and sings quicker and quicker and then suddenly stops ; Thangjing has come. Rising
up she passes her left hand up the threads, moistening them up to the earthen pots.
The strings are then disentangled and the Ningthou and Leima resume their seats in
their litters, holding the pots in their laps, while the Maibis hold the ends of the threads
and walk on ahead, several women walking behind them supporting the threads.

The procession returns to the Lai-sang. It passes round the end of the shed8
on the left of the Lai-sang and advances up the centre of the court yard, passing over
some rice placed on a leaf and some burning reeds9, and halts before the god's house.
The earthen pots are taken into the house and placed before Thangjing. The
Ningthou and Leima get out of their litters, and having prostrated themselves before
Thangjing, they go to their proper seats. A Maiba now comes forward and stands
facing the Lai-sang, holding up in front of his chest a small log of Hei-it10 wood,
and makes a lengthy address to Thangjing invoking his aid. This concluded, several
assistants come to his aid, and fire is made by drawing a piece of cane quickly
backwards and forwards under the log, which is pressed down on to it with the foot,
the hot dust being caught on some tinder. With the " clean " fire thus obtained
some reeds are ignited and over this some fish11 is cooked. While the fire is being
made the Maibi dances before the god accompanied by two Penna players. The dance
is slow, the feet being lifted high in turn and the hands waved about, much play
being made with the fingers ; at every third or fourth step the dancer turns round.
After the Maibi has withdrawn, three Maibas advance and perform a dance three
times before the Lai-sang. Their dance is like that of the Maibi, but a little more
lively, and the hands are thrown over each shoulder in turn with a smart jerk. At
the end of each dance the hands are clasped before the face and an obeisance made.

[ 82 1

1913,]

MAN.

[No. 50.

This dance is followed by one by three married women, who also dance three
times, the steps being the same as those of the Maibi ; they also dance to the music
of the Pennas, whereas the Maibas had a drum and a cymbal as orchestra. In these
two dances the performers must be three in number and they must dance three times,
not more or less. By this time the fish is ready and pieces are distributed to every-
one present. The eating of this fish is supposed to bring good luck. A white cloth
is now spread on the steps of the Lai-sang and the women who are going to join
in to-morrow's dance come forward and lay on it the clothes they intend to wear and
then reverently sit down in two rows at right angles to the steps, while Maiba
wrapped in a large white sheet stands between the rows facing the Lai-sang and
invokes the blessing of Thangjing on the clothes and all concerned in the festival.
The invocation finished, all bow to the ground, and the women then remove their
clothes from the steps and the ceremonies are over for the day.

Second Day, 8th May. — The Moirang Ningthou proceed to the Lai-sang mounted
on an elephant, and preceded by the Moirang Leima, on another elephant, they are
escorted by Penna players and the official Bard who sings of the doings of Thangjing.
The Phamnai-
bas, i.e., title
holders, are
already dancing
before the Lai-
sang. As the
Ningthon dis-
mounts they all
prostrate them-
selves. The
Ningthou and
Leima prostrate
themselves be-
fore the Lai and
then take their
places.

1. Some
twenty married
women dance
before the Lai-

sang, in four lines ; the step is the same as that of the dance which took place
yesterday. The dress is the ordinary dancing dress of married women. In addition
to her own hair each wears a long tress, which reaches below her waist, of false
hair. These tresses are generally imported from Burma. The orchestra consists of
three Penna players and a fluter.

2. The next dance is performed by men most of whom are title holders. The
step is the same as yesterday, the party dances in lines, and in addition to the drum
and the cymbal a band of men and boys stand near and clap hands.

3. A dance of women most of whom are wives of the title holders, but as some
are too old to dance, recruits from the commons are welcome.

4. The men dance again. The hand clappers are more numerous and emit
discordant shrieks, which I am told are the song that was sung when Mahadev took
Parvati to Brindabun. This introduction of Hinduism into a purely animistic festival
is interesting.

5. The married women dance again in greater numbers ; after a short time they
themselves to the left of the Lai-sang, and the Moirang Leima, accompanied bv

[ 83 ]

No. 50.] MAN. [1913.

the wife of the Khadarakpa, take up their position opposite to them, and after bowing
proceed to dance before the god. In this dance the Moirang 2s ingthou should really
join, but he is too old for such things. The Moirang Leiina wears over her ordinary
skirt a highly ornamented over-skirt, looking glasses about two inches square alternate"
with squares of embroidery of the same size. The Penna players are assisted by the
drummer who plays in honour of the absent Ningthou.

6. The men dance again.

7. The three Maibis dance (one of them being a man in woman's clothes12). The
Maibis gradually get excited and end their dance by skipping about most friskily.
They thereby invite Thangjing to take possession of them, but to-day he did not
respond.

8. A procession is now formed ; first come two men carrying Thangj ing's
sacred Dahs ; next two maidens in dancing costume carrying fans and vessels ; then
two married women with similar utensils ; these are followed by ten13 married women
in single rank, each wearing round her head a red sash which has been laid before
one of the goddesses. Two umbrella bearers walk one on each side of the first woman.
After the cloth bearers come a nvimber of women followers, behind whom comes an
umbrella bearer followed by nine men, each wearing on his head a red cloth which
has been placed before one of the nine gods ; these are followed by male followers
in dancing costume. The procession is formed up with its head opposite the Lai-sang.
A few feet away on the inner side a Maiba, in dancing costume, with a Penna-
player on each side of him and drummer behind, takes his place. The Maiba reads
a long invocation from an ancient writing, and then the procession moves off round
the courtyard, going the opposite way to the hands of a clock. The Maiba continues
reading while a master of the ceremonies instructs the performers as to their actions
from an ancient writing which he carries. It is most important that no mistake
should be made, hence the reference to the manuscripts. The actions refer to the
story read by the Maiba, which tells of how Thangjing created mankind, commencing
from the feet. Having gone round several times in single rank, double rank is formed,
the pairs holding hands ; after two or three rounds in this formation the lines separate
and form up opposite each other, one facing, and one with its back to the Lai-sang ;
they then advance and pass through each others ranks, turn round, return, passing
through again ; this is repeated several times, and then the double rank formation
is resumed and several more circumambulations are completed, and again the two
ranks separate, this time forming up on opposite sides of the ground and advancing
across the front of the Lai-sang, passing through each others ranks backwards and
forwards several times ; finally they form up four abreast and march round once or
twice and then down the centre and halt before the Lai-sang, and the day's perform-
ance is over. During the latter part of the marching the Maibis got somewhat
frisky, pirouetting and exchanging banter, but the ribald jocularity which was con-
spicuous at Kakching was absent. It is noticeable that the maidens and young men
take but little part in Thangjing's Lai-harauba. The marching hither and thither
was said to demonstrate the search for Thangjing, who having finished the work
of creation, hid himself. The gathering in front of the Lai-sang signified that the
god had been found.

Third Day, 9th May. — This day's performance was practically the same as
yesterday's, except that several low comedy interludes were inserted, but I was
assured that they had nothing to do with the " Pleasing of the God," but were
simply put in to make people laugh. I therefore omit them.

The Moirang Ningthou showed me to-day an ancient cloth which he asserts was
made by Thoibi for the wife of Thangjing. In the troublous times of the Burmese
invasions this cloth was lost, but last year it was brought to him by the people of

[ 84 ]

1913.] MAN. [No, 50,

Marring Khuobi, who said that since the Lai-harauba of Thfmgjing had been resumed
and celebrated with their former pomp the god had troubled them much with sickness
and therefore they now gave up this cloth. This is interesting as supporting the theory
that these ceremonies are necessary for the renewal of the vitality of the Lai. The
cloth, to my incredulous gaze, looked suspiciously modern. It was plain khaki colour
save for a border some eight inches wide on which were worked in black a row of
strange birds.

I was unable to stay to witness the end of the Harauba, but I am informed
that on the fourth day Thangjing and all the other Lais are carried in their litters
to a place about two miles distant near the foot of the hills, and there " clean " fire
is made as on the first day, fish cooked, and the usual dances follow, the party
returning before dark. The fifth and sixth days are similar to the second and third.
On the last day the contents of the earthen pots which figured so prominently on
the first day are divided among the Maibas and Maibis.

Divination is practised thus : the enquirer takes a very small piece of gold and
silver and gives them to the Maiba, who saying the appropriate charm places them
in the palm of his hand and then inverts it over a circular piece of plantain leaf.
If the two pieces rest between the two middle ribs of the leaf the decision is
favourable to the enquirer, and if the silver is behind the gold it is extremely
favourable. Should the pieces rest elsewhere on the leaf misfortune may be
expected.

The Maibis may be consulted as to who has committed a crime, but they will
not commit themselves further than a general description of the criminal, such as
that he is a dark man who comes from Wangu, or a thin woman who deals in fish.

NOTES.

1 Nongshaba. — The head Maiba of Moirang informed me that when the universe was in the
making and all was dark this powerful " Lai " produced light. Nongshaba may mean maker of
the sun.

2 Lai-sang. — This is a prosaic looking building with a corrugated iron roof. It consists of au
open room in front and an inner holy of holies, with a passage round it. On the exterior of the
walls of this inner chamber are frescoes illustrating the story of Khamba and Thoibi, which can be
seen through the windows in the outer wall.

3 The Penna is a fiddle, the head of which is a cocoanut covered with thin leather, and the
strings are horse hair stretched over a little wooden bridge resting on the leather. The bow has a
wooden handle and a curved iron head ornamented with little bells ; the string is horse hair.

4 Saroi and Naroi. — These spirits are said to have no special names, and I have so far been
unable to find out much about them, but they are said to be very michievous. Sa = wild animals ;
nga = fish ; roi = loi = along with, accompanying. 1 have not found out much about these spirits.
They are much dreaded. On the two Saturdays preceeding the Holi festival they are appeased by
offerings of every sort of food and some cotton collected from every house in each village. Old
women place these offerings across every road where it crosses the village boundary. A portion
containing a little of each article and some Puk-yu Wai-yu is placed for each of the seven spirits.
The old women then call on the spirit of the last person who has died in the village to keep the
Saroi Ngaroi from entering the village, as these offerings have been placed for them. On the
Saturday next but one before the Holi all sorts of food are offered to Senamahi, the household
god, and then cooked and eaten by the household and friends. The householder places a little of
each article at every entrance to his homestead/

5 This flipping of the water with the finger is said to disperse evil influences which may lurk
beneath it.

6 The gods of all the waters of Manipur are I'ke Ningthou and I-rai Leima. When the Maibi
throws them her offering she whispers, " We give you this to eat. We know you as Muba and
" Mubi (black ones).'' Every Manipuri has a nickname or a pet name, and the Maibi calls the
gods by these nicknames as a sign of affection.

7 This is the important part of the ceremony. It was explained to me that all the Umang Lai
came from the water, and the ceremony is intended to renew the vitality of the Lai and to bring
him into action. The threads are roads by which he can proceed to the pots. The Langterei
leaves are placed in the Ningthou's pot and are kept in the Lai-sang till the next Lai-harauba. I

[ 85 1

Nos, 50-51,] MAN. [1913,

was told that if the Harauba were not celebrated sickness and scarcity would prevail, partly on
account of the god's anger and partly because of his failing strength.

8 In front of the Lai-sang is a wide open space, down each side of which runs a long shed ; in
that on the right sit the notabilities of Moirang, the Ningthou nearest the Lai-sang, the others in
due gradation. Opposite them sit their spouses also in proper order.

10 The wood is selected because it is soft and ignites easily. This method of making fire is still
used by Nagas in out-of-the-way parts of the hills.

11 The fish takes the place of the bull which was sacrificed in pre-Hindu days. ( Vide The
Meit/urig, by T. C. Hodson, p. 144.)

12 1 am told that the Lais prefer women to dance before them, and therefore when a man
becomes " possessed " he assumes women's clothes. It is noticeable that the Maiba, priests of these
Umang Lai, do not take part in the dances at the Lai-harauba, though everything is regulated by
them. The men who work themselves up into a frenzy and say they are possessed don women's
clothes and dance, but are not enrolled among the Maibas. The real Maibis are people of import-
ance. It is usual for a Manipuri husband to sleep on the right, but if his wife is a Maibi he
yields her the place of honour.

13 1 enquired why there were ten representatives of the goddesses, as there are only seven
goddesses of the families. I was told that the other three were the wives of Thangjing and
Nongshaba, but on the next day only nine representatives of the goddesses appeared, and [ was told
that by mistake one in excess had been decorated the first day. Seeing how much importance is
said to attach to the verbal accuracy of the chant, it seems curious that such a mistake!' was not
considered likely to have any bad effects.

J. SHAKESPEAR.
DESCRIPTION OF PLATE F.

Fig. 1. THE TITLE HOLDERS OP MOIRANG. — The Ningthou is seated. In front of him, each on a
piece of plantain leaf, are his betel-nut box and other brass utensils, a little to one side is his looking-
glass. On all ceremonial occasions these utensils and looking-glass are carried with every person of
importance. There are twenty-nine title holders, but only fourteen appear in the group. The title
holders receive no pay and have no specific duties. There is a strict order of precedence among the
title holders, and persons will pay considerable sums for a title.

Fig. 2. THE SECOND DANCE OF THE SECOND DAY. — The performers are male titleholders of the
village.

DESCRIPTION OF ILLUSTRATIONS IN THE TEXT.

Fig. 1. NONGSHABA AND HIS WIFE SARUNGLAIMA BEING CARRIED TO THE LAI-SANG.— The
two girls are carrying the god's fans and utensils in their hands, and each has a red blanket for the
god's use o^er her left shoulder.

Fig. 2. THE ENTICING OF THANGJING. — The Moirang Ningthou is sitting in the centre under the
two umbrellas. The Leima, his wife, is hidden by one of the Maibis, who is supporting the thread
leading to the langterei leaves in the hand of the chief Maibi, who is moving them about in the water.
On the right, at the water's edge, are seen the seven bamboo tubes for the Saroi Naroi. These
tubes are identical with the three tlieibial used in a similar manner in the Tui-leh-ram sacrifice
performed by the Luthais and other cognate classes to appease the spirits of the land and water.

Africa, East. Beech.

A Ceremony at a Mugumu or Sacred Fig-tree of the A-Kikuyu of
East Africa. By M. W. H. Beech, M.A.

At Nyakumu, in the Kikuyn Native Reserve, there is being built a large dam.
This is to catch rain-water for the flocks of the A-Kikuyu to drink in the dry
season.

The dam is 500 yards in circumference and is nearly completed. Towards the
end of February there was a heavy thunder shower, and a large quantity of water
found its way into the enclosure. What should be noticed is that this is a new
water supply ; no domestic animals had as yet drunk from it.

Now, however, they will do so, for Ngai (God), through the medium of a
sacred mugumu (or fig-tree) such as was described by me in MAN, 1913, 3, has
received his due, and has exercised or appeased the spirits of the rain, for it is rain-
water in the dam. The ceremony, which took some time, I myself witnessed, and
it is worth describing in detail.

The Government "chief" Kinyanjui wa Gotheriniu — an officer of our own

[ 86 ]

1913.] MAN. [No. 51.

creating — produced a he-goat and an ewe. The ewe was entirely red and was barren.
The he-goat was entirely black, and had been castrated as a kid.

Two young men of the ghika or age Kamande first secured and then, having
seized their heads, bestrode the victims. They next started conducting them in
opposite directions round the whole circumference of the dam, meeting about half-way
round. Care was taken that the he-goat passed on the inside. Before they started
two A-Kikuyu and the European foreman, who were at work inside the circle, were
called outside. To have stayed would have caused them to be infected with thahu
(tabu). After thuswise encircling the dam twice the victims were led to a sacred
muguinu which was conveniently growing hard by. A large calabash of honey
wine was produced, and two horns were filled with the liquid. One of these was in
silence poured over the tree-trunk on the side exactly facing the sunrise ; the
second was poured on to the tree in a similar manner on the side facing the sunset.
The exact spots on which to pour the libation were deliberately calculated, not
chosen at random. Care was taken that some of the liquid trickled into a crevice
formed by knotty excrescences of the tree. The Elders then returned to the east
the way they had come ; they might not go round the tree.

I followed them back to the east, where the two victims were lying side by
side on the ground. Both were being held on their backs with their feet in the air,
their tails pointing east and and their heads facing the mugumu on the west. The
female, as before, was on the outside. In this position they were slowly strangled ;
not a sound was heard ; not a bone was broken ; not a drop of blood was spilt.
Their throats were squeezed by the knees and their mouths and nostrils tightly closed
by the hands of two men, and whilst their lives were ebbing away, a horn of wine was
poured out on to the ground near the head of each.

Perhaps two minutes elapsed, and both were lying with outstretched heads and
glassy eyes, quite dead. The Athuri (Elders) at this juncture each drank a little wine.

Others then began to skin the black goat. A small incision was made in the
skin of the throat, which was then slit downwards to the navel. When, however,
the breast bone was reached the operators cut to either side, leaving on the project-
ing bone a small oval island, as it were, of skin. The skin of the legs was also
slit half way to the feet. The same operation was then performed on the red ewe.
The skin on the neck and front of each animal was then carefully parted aside so
as to expose the breast, and the dead animals brought to a standing position with
heads outstretched facing the mugumu.

Under their legs were placed a few twigs and leaves of the same tree. Each
victim in turn was then pierced to the heart by a knife, and its blood gushed forth
into the two horns held beneath to receive it. What was over fell on the mugumu
leaves. The " chief " proceeded to do with the horns of blood exactly as he had done
with the honey wine, viz., to pour them carefully over the east and west faces of the
mugumu. All in silence.

The wounds where the animals had been pierced were then fastened up with a
stick.

After this another kind of native wine, this time made of sugar cane, was
poured east and west on the mugumu exactly as before, and, as before, in silence.

The fat of the breasts of both animals, together with the oval of skin before
mentioned, were then carefully cut off. Half of this skin was separated from the fat
and a small hole made.

The breast bones were then cut out entire, the hearts and lungs taken out
together, and, lastly, the stomachs.

The stomachs with the dung in them were then carried round the dam by two
youths, walking as before, in opposite directions.

[ 87 ]

No. 51,] MAN. [1913.

There were a number of women and children inside the darn. These had all to
be removed outside the circle before the procession could proceed. A crowd of women
fled away shrieking, then watched the scene from a distance. None, however^
witnessed the ceremonies at the tree.

The stomachs were then taken from the youths by two old men, who slit them
and mixed the contents with leaves of kingeria, which is a kind of everlasting plant
said to be indestructible except by fire, and called, I believe, in Scotland, " Wandering
Willie."

This mixture was scattered all over the water which had already collected in
the dam amid prayers to Ngai to send no more sickness. Each handful thrown was
accompanied by a shout from each individual, " Ndahoya Ngai, Ndahuya Ngai"
" O God I pray, 0 God I pray."

This, I was told, ended the first part of the proceedings ; I should be called to
witness the final in about an hour's time. Meantime the Elders retired to feast on
the victims' flesh. It was, in fact, an interval for refreshments.

An hour later I returned to the mugumu and found the elders had dined (and
wined) exceedingly well. They were sitting in a circle ; in front of them was a
rough table made of mugumu and muthigio leaves. On this I saw the remnants of
the feast — gnawed bones, scraped heads, feet, &c. All that remained intact was the
breast and that piece of fat with the oval-shaped island or skin upon it.

The ceremony then proceeded. Firstly, the breast and this piece of fat and skin
of the male victim was, with much reverence, affixed to the tree on the eastern side.
Prayers for prosperity, for cattle, sheep, women, and children accompanied the
ceremony. The awful name of Ngai was solemnly chanted at the end of each
separate request. Exactly the same ceremony was performed on the western side of
the tree with the pieces of the female victim. Again the same prayers. Requests
were made that Ngai would eat the meat prepared for him.

Then at the foot of the tree on either side were deposited half a victim's head
and five or six pieces of half burnt firewood. With these Ngai was requested to
cook his food. Next a perfect torrent of wine (made from sugar cane this time) was
poured on the eastern and western sides of the tree. Ngai was besought to drink.
Then the skin of the male victim was placed at the foot of the tree on the east.
Ngai was requested to clothe himself. The skin of the ewe was, however, left on
the leaf table. This over, the Elders — again taking care not to go round the tree —
came back the way they had gone and sat round the leaf table, on which the wretched
remains of the unfortunate animals were left. A man was for putting some
smouldering sticks on this table, but was hastily prevented ; it is forbidden.

The drink went around again and the following prayer was uttered : —

" Tuanyua tuikare wega na utuhe indu na mburi na ngombe na ciana na
mundu-muka na kiama kigwate ivega"

" We drink that we may live happily and may you (0 God) give us possessions,
and sheep, and cattle, and Avomen, and that the Kiama (council of elders) obtain
blessings."

Two or three of the elders in turn took a branch of mugumu in their hands,
stood up and prayed in turn. Their sentences were punctuated with Amens and
groans, not unlike what I have heard at Bible meetings in my youth. The jumble
of bones and meat, also the skin of the female victim, were left on the table. On
this, too, were replaced a mugumu branch which had been held in turn by the orators.
The whole was left for Ngai.

This concluded the ceremony, which the chief summed up in the following
words : —

"Now the water is good. The flocks that drink of it will thrive and increase.

[ 88 ]

1913.] MAN. [Nos. 51-52.

The men and women who drink of it will have no pains in their bellies. Ngai will
send much rain and fill the dam."

The Athuris' voices were hoarse, their gait beginr.ing to be unsteady. They
retired to driuk beer. "A whole jug each, a whole jug each," muttered one thickly.
I did not follow them.

Native explanations of the above customs were, as might be expected, for the
most part unsatisfactory.

Why must the he-goat pass on the inside, i.e., next the dam wall ? Why were
the victims barren ? No explanation at all could be given, but I imagine that the
original reasons are connected with fear of impurity. The female sheep must not
go near the water for fear of — on the analogy of a possibly menstruous woman —
infecting it with thahu. Similarly, if the victims are barren there is less fear of
impurity. Or, seeing that the whole ceremony is planned to make sure the water
causes women and flocks to be fertile, might it be considered bad magic to kill what
was already fertile ?

On a subsequent occasion, when I put these two questions to another elder, I
could get no reply to the second, while as to the first he said : " The elders per-
" formed that part of the ceremony wrong — they must have forgotten — it will now
" have to be done all over again. The female should have passed on the inside
" near the dam wall — just as is the case with man and wife in a hut — the wife
" must sleep next to the wall and the husband outside. Again, they should not
" have completed the circle. The best way, however, is for both male and female
" to go the same way — the male in front of the female. After reaching half way
" they should turn round and go back the way they came and then go round the
" other way to the spot at which they first turned round, and then back again the
" same way to the starting place."

Whichever party is right as to the position of the male and female, I am inclined
to think that my late informant is correct as to not completing the circle, for it will
be remembered that it was not permissible to complete a circle round the mugumu.

The reason given for this is that the sun is the child of Ngai (God), and as he
journeys from east to west a path must be left for him. If the path be not left the
man who closed it by walking round the tree will become infected with thahu and
Ngai will refuse the sacrifices.

This again is why the sacrifices are deliberately placed on the east and west
faces of the mugumu. " The sun can see them all along his course."

As to the reason of the victims being all black and all red, I was told that if
a third victim was sacrificed it would have to be all white. " It is not permissible
" for the victims to be dappled, they must be entirely of one colour." It is true
that one Elder informed me that the reason of the he-goat being all black was because
the rain clouds are black, and it was subsequently confirmed by the others. The last
statement, however, should be accepted with extreme caution, as I regret to say that
I obtained it as the result of a leading question which was out of my mouth before
I had realised the enormity of my offence. M. W. H. BEECH.

Ethnology : Method. Hamilton.

Necessity for Accuracy in Treating of Ethnological Subjects. CO

By A. Hamilton. Wfc

It is a deplorable fact that some writers on Maori customs, pursuits, beliefs, &c.,

have an unfortunate habit of writing of certain local or sporadic items as though

they were common or widespread usages, thus in many cases leaving the reader with

the impression that some such item (in reality confined to a small section of the race

in a small part of the country) was universally practised or believed throughout

[ 89 ]

Nos. 52-53.] MA.N. [1913.

Maoriland. This practice is due to carlessness. want of proper enquiry and attention
to detail, and, apparently, to a desire to include all possible matter of interest in the
paper being written. The careful analytical mind is wanting in such writers.

Ethnographical and technological notes collected from a single tribe of natives
are put on record in some journal ; these are copied by writers and go forth as
universal customs, pursuits, or beliefs in New Zealand, whereas in many cases such
items are merely local usages, or at least have not been recorded from other districts.

But few persons collect original matter concerning the customs, &c., of native
races and record it ; but there are many writers who copy such items in a careless
manner, or even distort them sometimes by suppressing the fact that they are only
known to obtain within a small area, or by the introduction of baseless theories. In
like manner persons utterly ignorant of the Maori tongue have written papers on its
construction, word meanings, &c. We have even known English words to be treated
as Maori, and remarks made on the amazing resemblance they bear to English forms.
This is largely owing to the reprehensible practice of inserting the native pronuncia-
tion of English words in Maori dictionaries, as noted in Williams' Maori Dictionary,
hence such dreadful words as Temara-thimble and Temepara-temple, both appear in
that otherwise useful work.

It is not too much to say that the Maori has been credited with many customs,
beliefs, &c., that he as a race knows nothing about. As an instance of this, in
one solitary case skeletons have been discovered at the bases of the larger posts of
a Maori pa or fortified hamlet. This item has been seized upon by stay-at-home
" authorities " and magnified into an universal custom among the Maori, whereas
tradition is silent on the subject, and on the east coast, from the East Cape south-
wards, it is known that the whalu buried at the base of the first erected post was
merely a stone.

A large number of instances might be given in which local customs, habits,
beliefs have been credited to the Maori people at large.

Although Mr. Best in his articles on customs and beliefs in the small isolated
portion of the dominion known as the Urewera district (about the size of an average
English county) has carefully stated that many of these customs are only known to
this handful of people, these particular customs have been credited to the whole of
the Maori people, not only in the North Island but in the practically unknown
tribes formerly inhabiting the Southern Island. As a matter of fact, in ethnographical
matters names of things differed in the north and south, east and west of the North
Island. A reason for such differences was that the education in what was considered
sacred things was confined to quite limited numbers, and jealously guarded by those
initiated, and not communicated to others of different lineage. There was practically
little uniformity of knowledge, and the same name or term might occasionally be
used with quite a different meaning. A. HAMILTON

Africa, East. "Werner.

Two Galla Legends. By Miss A. Werner. CO

So little, comparatively, has been published with regard to the Galla that UU
the two stories here following may be of interest. They were obtained from Abarea
Worede, of the Karar Dulo clan, chief of the (Barareta) Galla at Kurawa, two or
three days' journey north of Malindi. Unfortunately, I could not get him to dictate
the Galla text, or even take down his Swahili verbatim, but I think I have omitted
no essential point of what he told me. The first story is an interesting variant of
the one told by all Bantu tribes of the chameleon. (The chameleon does not appear
to enjoy any special importance though considered somewhat unlucky. " It is feared
a little but not much.") The bird Holawaka (" the sheep of God " — from its cry,

[ 90 ]

1913.] MAN. [Nos. 53-54.

which resembles the bleating of a sheep) is called by the Wagiryama Kwalala ; it is
said to be black (or dark blue ?) with a white patch on each wing and a crest on its
head. It is usually seen alone, sitting on the tops of trees and uttering its wailing
cry.

God sent the bird Holawaka to tell men that they would not die : when they
found themselves growing old and weak, they would slip off their skins and become
young again. He gave the bird a crest (kama bendera, " like a flag ") as a badge
of office, to mark it as His messenger. It set out, and had not gone very far before
it found a snake in the path eating a dead animal. (" The snake was already an
enemy," Abarea explained — implying that this was an aggravation of Holawaka's
offence. The story does not profess to explain the origin of the enmity between
snakes and men.) Holawaka said, " Give me some of the meat and the blood and
" I will tell you God's message." The snake said he did not want to hear it, but
Holawaka insisted that it concerned him very nearly and pressed him till he gave
way. The bird then said, " The message is this — men when they grow old will die,
" but you, when you find yourself becoming infirm, all you have to do is to crawl
" out of your skin and you will renew your youth."

This is why people grow old and die, but snakes change their skins and grow
young again. God laid a curse on the bird, which is now afflicted with chronic
constipation (Hanyi Mavi Kabisd), and in its never-ceasing pain and distress sits in
the tree-tops moaning and wailing " Wakati-a-a ! " (" My God ! "). Abarea paraphrases
its cry as " Mwenyiezi Muumgu wangu ! — nipomfeshe, nimeharibu — save me, I am
destroyed ! " An interesting point, but one which I could not get him to state
very clearly, was the identity of " Wak " with the sky. He remarked quite spon-
taneously that the bird was black and white because " Mwenyiezi Muungu " (the
expression he always used in Swahili as an equivalent to " Wak ") is partly white
and partly black. When I tried to get this statement explained, he pointed to the
sky and said, " Mwmyiezi Muungu ni mweusi halisi " — "is black truly" (or " entirely ").
I thought he must be referring to the stormy sky, but do not now feel sure of this
as eusi is frequently used to mean blue, and further questioning left it somewhat
doubtful which he meant.

The other story accounts for the fact that lions, leopards, and hyenas hunt at
night. Originally it was always day, but " Wak " called men and all the animals
together and explained to them that he was about to make a time for sleeping, and
commanded them all to cover their faces with their hands (the usual anthropomor-
phism of their primitive tales) while he did so. All obeyed ; 'but the lion, leopard,
and hyena peeped between their fingers and saw night being created. It is not
stated what they saw, but the result is that they can see in the dark, while men
and other creatures are unable to do so and put the night to its legitimate use.

A. WERNER.

REVIEW.
Australia : T9temism. Durkheim.

Les Formes EUmentaires de la Vie Religieuse : Le Systeme Totemique en C 1
Australia. Par Emile Durkheim. Paris: Felix Alcan, 1912. Pp. 647. UT

Some fourteen or fifteen years ago M. Durkheim, then Professor at the University
of Bordeaux, commenced the publication of L1 Annee Sociologique in collaboration
with members of the sociological school which had arisen under his inspiration ; but
hitherto in the department of anthropological study dedicated to religion, though single
monographs of great value had appeared, no general synthesis had been attempted of
principles and of the results to which they lead. M. Durkheim himself was obviously
the proper authority to undertake this work, without which the sociological school

[ 91 ]

No. 54.] MAJSL [1913.

could not hope to exercise any permanent influence on the direction of anthropological
study. In this brilliant volume recently issued, not merely has he produced an example
of the sociological method of investigation of savage phenomena, but he has formulated
a philosophy. Whether the method and the philosophy will ultimately be accepted
by anthropologists remains to be seen ; but there can be no difference of opinion on
the importance of the volume. It opens a new chapter in the discussion of the origin
of religion, and must for many a day be the starting point of controversy.

A religion, according to M. Durkheim, is a system of beliefs and practices
inseparably bound up together (solidaire) relative to sacred — that is to say, separated,
forbidden — things, beliefs and practices Avhich unite into one moral community, called
a Church, all those who adhere to them. The idea of Religion is thus inseparable
from the idea of Church, for Religion is eminently and essentially a collective affair.
It is distinguished from magic, which makes use of similar machinery, even including
a cult, because magic is not collective but individualist in its aims and practices :
there is no magical Church. A cult is a system of rites, solemn seasons (Jetes), and
ceremonies, all presenting one invariable characteristic that they recur periodically.
This definition, perhaps, hardly takes account of the fact that many rites are not
periodical, but only performed on special occasions and at rare intervals ; still they are
part of the system.

Having thus defined a religion, the author proceeds to the examination of previous
theories. He has turned an awkward corner by limiting magic to an individualist
application of religious conceptions and practice. It enables him to dispose without
difficulty of the theories of Professor Frazer and Dr. Preuss ; for the practices which
they call magical, though found in all religions from the highest to the lowest, are
performed for the general good. The refutation of animism as the source of Religion
is the next step. He shows that in Australian society, the lowest hitherto investi-
gated, there is no cult of the dead. This has always been the crux of Spencer's
Euhemerism. But the theory of animism does not stand or fall with Spencer's hypo-
thesis. It is necessary therefore to attack Sir Edward Tylor's famous chapters. He
repudiates the origin of the belief in the soul or " double " from the phenomena of
dreams and other hallucinations, or of syncope, apoplexy, catalepsy, ecstasy, and other
cases of temporary insensibility. The idea of the soul, having been once formed,
may have been applied to these phenomena; but that is a very different matter. As
to dreams, he thinks it probable that the savage always draws a distinction between
various kinds of dreams and does not interpret them all in the same way ; and he
shows that this is actually the case with the Melanesians, as described by Codrington,
and the Dieri, as described by Howitt. Even admitting this, I doubt whether he
gives enough weight to the vividness of many savage dreams arising from the con-
dition of repletion, or of hunger, in which the savage, who is dependent on the
uncertain products of the chase, so often finds himself, or from the sense of constant
danger from foes, human or brute, that surround him. Moreover, he seems to think
that on the animistic theory the interpretation of dreams as the adventures of the
soul is due to speculation on his dreams, whereas the savage is not speculative, but
practical. The savage, however, does not necessarily speculate on his dreams ; he
believes that he has actually seen the objects and undergone the adventures presented
to him in dreams. The Arawak headman who awakened Sir Everard im Thurn in the
middle of the night to insist, " George speak me very bad, boss ; you cut his bits,"
had been dreaming of insolence by one of his underlings, and was fully convinced
that the unpleasant interview had really taken place and that he had a substantial
grievance for his master to redress. Moreover, M. Durkheim passes lightly over the
sense of mystery and bewilderment imposed by death. The savage is not a philo-
sophical materialist who holds that there is nothing after death, and it may very well

[ 92 ]

1913.] MAN. [No. 54.

puzzle him to find that his fellow, especially if a bold and trusted leader, is suddenly
no more than a senseless and speedily decaying clod. The event would be apt to
arouse all his terror and a train of the liveliest emotions, such as the author else-
where well points out are intensified to an extravagant degree by being shared with
the other members of his band. The very atmosphere would be created in which
speculation would be generated, and disbelief that all was over with him who was
lately so full of life and energy and the stores of manifold experience. And the
speculation and disbelief would be greatly stimulated if in his dreams he saw the
dead man living, heard his voice, and talked with him.

M. Durkheim, however, will have none of this. Nor will he allow that anthropo-
morphism is primitive. Man did not, he says, project his image upon the external
world ; for if so the earliest sacred beings would have borne his likeness. Put, in
fact, the sacred beings of the lowest society known to us are conceived in '.n animal
or vegetable form. What man did was to confound the kingdoms of nature — not by
any means the same thing. It is only long experience, fortified by sc;<mtific culture,
that has taught us the barriers between them. But surely if, as thr author says, the
rocks in primitive thought have a sex and are capable of reproducing their species ;
if the sun, moon, and stars are men or women who experience and express human
sentiments, while, on the other hand, men are conceived «*s plants or animals ; this
means that consciousness and personality were attribute'1 to them all, no matter under
what form they appeared. This indistinctiou, wlnv«i he admits to be at the base of
all mythologies, is hard to differentiate fro- what is by other thinkers called
anthropomorphism.

His final argument against aninr ^ is that, if i4 be true, religious beliefs are an
hallucination without any objective icundation ; a sort of constitutional aberration has
caused man to take his dreams or perceptions, death for a prolonged sleep, and rude,
shapeless bodies for living am1 thinking beings. In that case there could be no science
of religion- for there won' De no reality behind the hallucination, and what sort of
a science can it be the r>"ncipal discovery of which would dispel the very object of
which it treats ? Bu' ~ven if we admit, for the sake of argument, that religious beliefs
are an hallucination *n(^ that there is no object behind them (on which here I express
no opinion") the h' Aucinations themselves are at least an objective fact, and the aim
of science is to tU^y these hallucinations as such, and to trace their conditions and
evolution with^*1 Concerning itself what philosophical basis they may have. They are
products of J'e mental constitution of humanity. If we listen to some philosophers,
matter its^ *s no more than this. Yet scientific students have investigated its
constitut1' J anc^ evolution, and have achieved most valuable results, serenely ignoring
the pb''s°pliers' Nor is it beside the question to observe that, as we shall see,
-jyj p.rkheim's own solution of the problem makes the soul and spiritual existences
as , ireal — in other words, as much hallucinations — as does the animistic theory which
Dejects.

We need not linger over his refutation of the sun-myth, or naturalistic theory,
he calls it. It is slaying again the already slain, though the theory yet maintains
AJghostly existence in certain quarters. We will come to the exposition of totemism,
ie main subject of his book. As here expounded, it is not a system of magic, it
\i not zoolatry, it is not derived from ancestor- worship, nor a case of nature-worship,
>r a contrivance to put the soul in safety ; it is not to be explained as the con-
jquence of the mere adoption of a name by a group. It is a genuine religion, the
lost elementary hitherto discovered ; and it is bound up with the most elementary
form of social organisation. For religion is not simply a social phenomenon, it is
/society seeking to realise itself. Society cannot exist apart from religion, and men
fare not men apart from society. The objective, universal and eternal cause of the

[ 93 ]

No. 54.] MAN. [1913.

sensations which go to make up religious experience is society. This it is that
develops the moral forces and awakens the feeling of support, safeguard and tutelary
dependence which attaches the faithful to his cult. It raises him above himself ; it
makes him. For what makes man man is the totality of intellectual gains which
constitute civilisation, and civilisation is the work of society. In totemism we see
the beginning of the process, or at least the earliest form with which we are
acquainted. Although the author hedges by declaring that the question whether
totemism was once more or less widely distributed is of secondary importance, the
argument seems to assume that it must have been universal. The totem is the
emblem of the clan, that by which it recognised its unity, itself. This accounts for
the ' fact that the representation of the totem on churinga, nurtunja, waninga, and
elsewiiNe, is even more sacred than the totemic species. But alike the totemic species,
the representation of the totem, all things associated in the categories with the totem,
and the very members of the clan themselves are sacred, though not in the same
measure. They are all filled with supernatural force, physical and moral, with wakan,
orenda, mana, or Vhatever it may be called. This force is impersonal. It permeates
all things. It is atr the root of all religions and magic. It is analogous to the
scientific concept of foi^e. It is of religious origin, and was indeed borrowed from
religion, first by philosophy, and then by science. Every society exercises power over
its members — physical and above all moral power. It keeps them in a sensation of
perpetual dependence. It is distinct from the individuals who constitute it, and
consequently its interests are distinct from theirs. But as it cannot attain its end
save by means of the individual, it makes an imperious claim to his assistance,
exacting it even to the sacrifice of his inclinations and interests. Thus at every
moment we are obliged to submit to rules of conduct and of thought which we have
neither made nor wished to make, and which may even be contrary to our most
fundamental instincts. The result is to impress on each individual member the idea
that the force thus exercised is external to him.

But in order to make its influence felt society must be " in act " ; and it is only in
act if the individuals are assembled and act in common. So only it becomes conscious
of itself. Australian society passes alternately from the ordinary individual, economic
phase to the social phase, and back again. The former is dull and more or less
monotonous ; the latter causes excitement and vehement exaltation, translated into
the wildest and most extravagant actions. The religious activity is confined to these
occasions. Since they are centred round the totem, the totem arouses religious forces
which dominate and exalt the individual, and which are figured (for we can only
represent an abstract and complex idea under a simple concrete form) as an animal
or plant, or whatever other object it may be that gives its name to the clan and
serves as its emblem. The totem is then nothing else than the clan under a material
and emblematic form. The soul is the totemic principle incarnated and individualised
in each member of the clan. The idea of the soul cannot be understood excep* ] by
relation to the idea of force, of mana, which has its genesis in the impersonal a- r'n
of society on the individual. Dreams may have contributed certain secondary cha-sr
teristics, but they are not the source of the idea of the soul. The exclusively indi
and indivisible idea of the soul is late, and the result of philosophical reflectic

The origin of religion, therefore, is not in fear, nor is it caused by the sen;
awakened in us by the external world. Neither is it due to hallucination. It is
an error for the Australian blackfellow to attribute to an external power in th
of an animal or plant the exaltation, the increase of vitality, he experiences
engaged in the performance of the totemic rites. But the error merely extends
symbol, not to the reality. The reality is the society, the clan, which reall\
thus inspire him. The function of the rites is in fact to strengthen the bonds «

[ 94 ]

1913,] MAN. [No. 54,

individual to the society. By this means religious excitement adds to the forces of
life. Religious force is only the sentiment inspired by the collectivity in its members,
projected from the consciousness and objectivated, it matters not on what. The object
to be sure is nothing but a symbol. But a symbol is necessary to the consciousness
of belonging to a certain society. It is not an artifice ; it is spontaneous. It must,
however, be capable of being figured, and must be familiar. Animals particularly, but
also plants (and animals and plants are the most usual totems) fulfil this condition.
Probably the totem was suggested by the animal that haunted the centre frequented
by the clan ; and in that event the spot became a totemic centre, such as we find in
Central Australia. But the various clans of a tribe must have come to some under-
standing with one another to secure variety of choice. It thus appears that the choice
of a totem was not spontaneous, but a deliberate act.

We may, perhaps, draw the inference that in M. Durkheim's view the origin
of religion was in a conscious and deliberate act. There must, therefore, have been
a period when religion did not exist. If so, society was still in an inchoate state ; it
had not yet made an effort to realise itself. But then we are driven back upon the
question, What caused it to make the effort ? What awoke the consciousness of
the need of organisation ? It could not have been the pressure of hostile groups,
because ex hyputhesi the adjacent groups were friendly : they came to an agreement
as to the choice of totems. " The totemic organisation, such as we have just de-
" scribed it, must manifestly have been the result of a sort of understanding between
" all the members of a tribe without distinction. It is impossible that each clan
" should have made for itself its beliefs in an absolutely independent manner. The
" cults of the different totems must of necessity have been in some way adjusted
" to one another, for they exactly complete one another " (p. 221). These words
are emphatic. And although it would be hypercritical to press the meaning of the
word tribe beyond a vague inclusive term for the surrounding and larger body of men,
still the use of the word does after all suggest some sort of organisation. However
rudimentary this organisation, or whatever form it took, it was pro lanto an attempt
of the society to realise itself. But that is religion. What, then, was the religion
that preceded the higher organisation we call totemism ?

I have pointed out that the argument seems to assume the universality of
totemism as the earliest form of religion. In addition to what has appeared in the
course of the very imperfect analysis I have been able to give of M. Durkheim's
theory, and of the reasoning that supports it, the explanation of the soul as the
totemic principle incarnated and individualised in each member of the clan accounts
for the conception of the soul under the form of an animal. This conception is
common, not merely in totemic areas, but far outside them, even in Europe itself.
If the cause assigned be correct it affords a presumption of the universality of
totemism. But this is not all ; for from conceiving the soul under the form of an
animal to the doctrine of transmigration is not a very long step. Thus the wide
belief in metempsychosis is a new proof that the constituent elements of the idea of
the soul have been chiefly borrowed from the animal kingdom in the manner supposed.
In other words, totemism is at the base of it, and must, therefore, have been universal.

The space already occupied precludes the possibility of discussing the author's
very lucid and elaborate exposition of the totemic rites and beliefs. They are best
known to us as practised and believed in Central Australia, because there they have
been most thoroughly investigated. M. Durkheim is under no illusion as to the
totemism of the Arunta being primitive in its present form. But he holds it to be
a less developed form than that of the south-eastern tribes, where it has evolved
High Gods, Daramulun and the rest, who are the personification of the initiation
rites performed by the whole tribe collectively assembled, and are a symbol of the

[ 93 ]

Nos. 54-55.] MAN. [1913.

unity of the tribe. Totems and gods alike, and indeed all other objects of a cult,
are thus not hallucinations, but symbols. Inasmuch, however, as they are taken for
objective realities, the distinction seems somewhat fine. The clan-totem, he holds,
was the starting point ; the soul was derived from it ; and he argues very ably that
the individual totem and the sex-totem were subsequent developments. His exposition
is primarily concerned with Australian totemism ; but he vindicates the essential
identity of American totemism, while pointing out its differences, and claims the right
to illustrate his points from the North American tribes. To this extent his work
may be considered an answer to recent objections to the very existence of totemism
as a system, and is all the more effective because it is founded primarily on what is
called in the scientific jargon of the objectors an "intensive" study of a single area.

Nor can I follow him in detail through the philosophical argument with which
he brings the exposition to a close. He finds in the collectivity much more than
the source of religion. Without it even thought would be impossible. Logic is a
product of social life. We could not form a concept apart from social life. Concepts
express the manner in which society represents things. And inasmuch as man would
not be man apart from social life, conceptual thought is coeval with humanity.
Without it man Avould be on a level with the lower animals. The conflict between
sense and reason, between morality and will, is not due to the Fall. It is due to the
contention between the personal and the impersonal in every one. There is something
impersonal in us, because there is something social ; and as social life includes both
representations and practices, this impersonality naturally extends alike to ideas and
to acts. A new path is thus opened to the Science of Man. It is no longer necessary
to explain man's superior and specific faculties on the one hand by referring them to
inferior forms of being, or on the other hand by ascribing them to a supra-experimental
reality, postulated but never established by observation. When it is recognised that
above man there is society, and that society is not a mere name, a creation of reason,
but a system of active forces, a new manner of explaining man becomes possible.

This sketch represents very feebly and imperfectly the contents of a book that
is bound to leave a mark upon anthropological thought. We in England have perhaps
hitherto made too little of the influence of society in the genesis of religion. We
have attributed it too exclusively to the influence of external nature and the experiences
of individual life upon what is assumed, rightly or wrongly, to be the constitution of
the human mind. Whether the French sociological school, led by M. Durkheim, may
not go to the opposite extreme, may not attach too little weight to this influence and
these experiences, and in effect ignore the part actually played by the individual, is
a question that the discussion inevitably awakened by a presentation so powerful of
the claims of society to be the fountain of religion must decide. I should add, to avoid
misapprehension, that the social, so far as they may be distinguished from the religious,
institutions of the Australian blackfellow, have been left over to form the subject
of another study. E. SIDNEY HARTLAND.

ANTHROPOLOGICAL NOTE.

AT the ordinary meeting of the Institute held on Tuesday April 22nd 1913, CC
Mr. T. A. Joyce, who retired from the honorary secretaryship of the Institute UU
at the last general meeting, was presented by the President on behalf of past and
present officers and members of the Council with an illuminated address and a
cheque. Only those who have sat at the Council Board of the Institute can have
any idea of the patient and devoted labour which Mr. Joyce gave for so many
years and so unstintedly to the Institute, which owes much more than words,
however eloquent and complimentary, can convey, to his indomitable energy, his tact,
and above all his unfailing good humour.
Printed by EYRE AND SPOTTISWOODE, LTD., His Majesty's Printers, East Harding Street, B.C.

<*><>

PLATE G.

MAX, 1913.

LORD AVEBURY.

1913.] MAN. [No. 56.

ORIGINAL ARTICLES.
Obituary : Lord Avebury. With Plate G. Read.

Lord Avebury, P.C., D.C.L., L.L.D., F.R.S. Born April 3O, 1834; CO
Died, May 28, 1913. By »SVr C. Hercules Read. UU

One of the commonest phrases in the obituary notices of distinguished men is
that the gaps caused by their death will be hard to fill. No doubt this is often
true of many of our public characters, and the man spoken of is generally accepted
as the exponent or the apostle of a particular national service. He has performed
it with such fulness and adequacy that it seems impossible for any other mind ever
to succeed in holding all the threads which had been so deftly managed in the past.

When one has to deal with the character and achievements of a man like Lord
Avebury, none of the ordinary phrases entirely meet the conditions presented by such
a career. His peers in the scientific world as a rule differ widely from him in the
circumstances of their life. Those who, like him, began life in the most favourable
surroundings, had the unquestionable advantage of a thorough training at school and
university ; others whose distinction has been gained in despite of such preliminary
advantages, have at least been able or obliged to devote all their energies, mental
and bodily, to the one pursuit that they have mapped out on their life's work.
Neither one nor the other of the positions will fit Lord Avebury's life. A few years
at Eton sums up all the tuition, as distinct from education, that fortune allowed him,
and at the age of fifteen he entered his father's bank. At that time, sixty odd
years ago, it is not likely that his days spent in learning the business of finance
were otherwise than filled with the endless routine that would be the lot of a junior
in such a firm. Hardly any pursuit would seem more entirely unpromising for the
production of the prophet of science for the people, and yet in such an uncongenial
environment young Lubbock worked at his natural history, and eventually, while yet
in the prime of life, his name was probably more widely known than that of any of
his contemporaries as suggesting a combination of the man of science and the man
of business.

Lombard Street, however, is not the place in which biology can be readily
studied, and the problems of animal and plant life that Lubbock dealt with had
their inspiration in a very different atmosphere. His good fortune on the side of
science was summed up in one fact — that within a stone's throw of his father's
house at Orpington lived Charles Darwin, a circumstance of inestimable value to
Lubbock. Not only was the restless and acute brain of Darwin persistently devoted
to the endless problems that nature presents to such a mind, but the house at Down
w?\s a Mecca for the whole world of science, and the opportunities of hearing the
most acute intellects of the day engaged in friendly conflict over the mysteries of
the universe provided for the younger man at once a mental forcing house and a
wealth of suggestion that could not fail to produce ample results. This was in
reality Lord Avebury's education — an education of a kind that, given a sympathetic
base, could not be matched in any school or university anywhere. The use that
he made of it is known to the world. Geology, botany, the lives of insects, the
problem of early or primitive man, all in turn held his mind and occupied his pen,
and his treatment of these subjects in a style that suited itself to popular con-
sumption has deservedly rendered his name a household word among English-
speaking peoples and beyond.

Such an achievement for a man engaged in an important and absorbing business
career might seem to be enough for one life. It was not so with Lord Avebury.
His sympathies were widely engaged in social and economic problems with fully as
much devotion. The holidays of the people, the bettering of the condition of shop
assistants, the conservation of our ancient monuments, the preservation of our open

[ 97 ]

Nos. 56-57.] MAN. [1913.

spaces, all of these and many other subsidiary interests in turn held his attention
and occupied the energies of his leisure. Concurrently with these engagements, and
perhaps because of them, he was Chairman of the London County Council for two
years, an office absorbing enough for an otherwise free man.

In our own special field Lord Avebury was President of the Ethnological Society
and a Foundation Fellow of the Anthropological Institute, occupying the chair from
1871-73. His two principal works are his Prehistoric Times and The Origin of
Civilisation. The first of these was admirable at the time of its publication, but
the later editions suffered somewhat from a need of remodelling to bring them up
to the demands of the day.

As an old friend of Lord Avebury — for I had known him since 1874 — I shall
long mourn his loss. The most urbane and amiable of men, he was ever ready to
discuss any difficulty that presented itself in the many affairs of a public or semi-
public character in which we were both interested. His decision was invariably on
the side of a soft answer, if that could by any means meet the case ; but on certain
subjects, where he felt strongly, he could be as unyielding as any man. As a public
character he may be summed up in the one word, useful : with the qualities of industry
and receptivity very strongly developed. It was these two which made him the
man he was. A strain of sentiment there undoubtedly was also, and it appears in
the fact that he chose as his title the name of the most ancient of British monuments,
which changed the familiar Sir John Lubbock into Baron Avebury. C. H. READ.

Maori Religion. Best.

The Cult of lo, the Concept of a Supreme Deity as evolved t>y
the Ancestors of the Polynesians. By Elsdon Beat.

In his interesting work, entitled The Making of Religion, the late Andrew Lang
has two suggestive chapters, entitled " The High Gods of Low Races " and " More
Savage Supreme Beings." After a perusal of these chapters the reader is left with
the impression that the purport of the writer was to bring forward evidence in favour
of a theory that truly primitive religions were not necessarily polytheistic, that the
original cultus of a so-called inferior race may have been of a monotheistic nature,
to deteriorate, in after times, into polytheism by means of the introduction of minor
gods and demons, or malevolent spirits.

This seems to have been breaking out a new trail of thought for the student
of primitive religions and the origin of existing systems of belief, but we are not
aware that any other writer has since written in favour of the above-mentioned theory.
For that theory we hold no brief, for or against ; it is for others — the others who
dwell in the "world of light" — to pursue such studies and give us the result theoreof.
Remains for us, the dwellers in the dark places of the earth, to collect what original
matter we may from neolithic man and place the same on record.

Many writers have touched on the theme of Maori religion, and almost all such
writers have remarked that the gods of the Maori were truly malevolent beings,
beings to be feared and placated, to whom no true invocations were recited, but
merely crude charms or incantations. Also that the Maori had no conception of a
Supreme Being, creative or otherwise, that the Maori pantheon was represented by
a horde of inferior gods or demons and a few so-called superior gods or tutelary
deities.

It is now many years since we first gained a dim knowledge that the Maori
believed in the existence of a Supreme Being, and throughout those long years have
we diligently sought "more light" on the subject. Some information gained from
an old tattooed survivor of the neolithic era some ten years ago put us on the right
track, and since that time we have obtained much more light from a remarkably

[ 98 ]

1913.] MAN. [No, 57.

intelligent and intellectual native, now seventy-three years of age, who was taught
the old-time beliefs of his people during 'his youth. The knowledge was imparted
by two of the last survivors of the Maori priesthood, men who had been trained and
taught in neolithic times under the singular tapu system that obtained in Maoridom,
men who jealously conserved that knowledge and kept aloof from European missionaries
when they reached these parts.

The information so gained we now offer in the following pages, as evidence
that an " inferior race," a " savage " people, was quite capable of evolving the
concept of a Supreme Being, a creative and eternal god, a Deity that did not punish
the souls of men after the death of the body. A perusal of these notes will show
any unbiassed readers (not a numerous body, we opine) that the Supreme Being of
the Maori occupied a much higher plane than that of certain old-time Semites.

Io, THE SUPREME BEING.

The cult of Io was the highest form of Maori religious belief, the purest
concept of a neolithic race that has, for many centuries, dwelt in far scattered isles
of the Pacific Ocean. It was evidently brought from the original home of the race,
wherever that may have been, India or elsewhere, and has been carefully and
jealously conserved throughout the changing centuries by the higher class of Maori
priesthood. For it was only members of the superior order of priests who were
taught the highly curious beliefs and mystical concepts that composed the cult of
Io, only they who could utter his name, repeat the thrice sacred invocations to him,
or perform the rites to which such invocations pertained. Priests of lower grades
were riot allowed to participate in such ceremonies, while the shaman class knew
practically nothing of these higher matters.

The name of Io was deemed so sacred that it was never uttered, even by the
high-class priests, except when absolutely necessary, as in the reciting, or rather
chanting, of invocations to that Deity. Again, the name was usually repeated only at
some secluded spot, as in the forest, where nothing raised by the hand of man, as a
house roof, came between the repeater and the vault of heaven. Probably the only
occasion on which the name was repeated within a building was when an invocation
to Io was uttered within the thrice sacred Whare Wananga, or school of learning, in
which the sacred traditionary and religious lore was taught to a select few of the
young men of the tribe. At all other times Io was alluded to as " The Beyond," or
"The High One," or some such term.

With the exception of the invocations pertaining to the house of learning, the
invocations to Io were recited not at the ordinary Tuahu or sacred place, but at some
river, pond, or other sheet of water. In these cases the priest who uttered the invo-
cation entered the water in a state of nudity, and took his stand at the spot where
the water was breast deep ; also, prior to commencing the recitation, he would stoop
down and immerse the upper part of his body in the water. These precautions were
taken for the purpose of preventing any contaminating or polluting influences affecting
the proceedings.

The invocations to Io pertained to important matters only, such as the sacred
school above mentioned, calamities affecting the whole tribe, and the highly curious rite
performed over the newly-born children of the upper classes. .No invocations were
made to Io concerning any minor or trivial affairs, nor yet in connection with anything
evil, such as war.

It may also be mentioned that the higher class of the priesthood, as those who
upheld the Cult of Io, never designed to learn or practise the arts of Black Magic,
or any other shamanistic arts ; such things were practised by a much lower order of
Tohunga or priest, and were not allowed to be taught in the higher school of learning.

[ 99 ]

No. 57.] MAN. [1913.

lu many cases such inferior matters were taught in the vicinity of the village latrine,
or, haply, in some remote spot.

Names and Attributes of lo. — Many different titles were applied to lo by the
Maori, and it is explained that such titles were explanatory of the attributes of the
Supreme Being. We give below a list of these titles, with translations : —
lo.

Jo-xui. — This name signifies his greatness. lo the Great, or Mighty lo.
IO-ROA. — This title signifies his eternal nature.
IO-TE-WANANGA. — This signifies that lo is the source of all sacred or occult

knowledge.
IO-MATUA. — This signifies that lo is the parent or origin of all things (albeit he

begat no being).
IO-TAKETAKE. — This signifies that lo is the truly permanent, unchangeable, eternal

Deity, that all his acts are permanent.
TO-TE-WAIOKA. — This implies that To is the life or vital spirit of all things. His are

the essentials of life ; life emanates from him.
TO-MATA-NGARO. — Implies that he cannot be looked upon ; he is lo of the Hidden

Face.
IO-TE-KORE-TE-WHIWHIA. — lo prevents man attaining all his desires ; he is lo the

Withholder.

IO-TIKITIKI-O-RANGI. — He is the supreme one of all the heavens.
IO-MATAAHO. — lo can be seen only as one sees the radiations of light ; none can

actually see him.

IO-MATUA-TE-KORE. — lo the Parentless.
IO-MATAKANA. — lo the Vigilant ; implies that not all could gain his ear, not all

invocations to him were heeded.

Apparently there were other terms or titles applied to lo, but the above will
give the reader a fair idea of the concept of the Supreme Being evolved by the
ancestors of the Maori in times long passed away.

According to Maori myth or Maori religion, for the two things are inseparable,
as they are in most other cults, there are twelve heavens, or twelve different realms
in the heavens, each of which has its own specific name. In the uppermost of these
twelve heavens, known as Tikitiki-o-rangi, dwells lo, the Supreme Being, and in that
realm also abide his attendants. These attendants compose two parties of super-
natural beings, gods in themselves, one of which is composed of male beings, and the
other of female beings, all of whom are intensely tapu, and have the power to
enter all the other heavens, as also the privilege of visiting the earth and the spirit
world below the earth. Each of the other heavens also has its two companies of
supernatural denizens, one male, the other female, and each company has its own
special name, the general term for all being Apa. Thus the male beings of the
uppermost heaven comprise the Apa whatukura, while the female denizens are known
as the Apa marei-kura.

The uppermost realm of the heavens is sacred to lo and the two companies
above named, and no being of the other eleven heavens may enter therein, though
the latter may abide or wander throughout all divisions of their own realms, may
visit the earth below, as also the spirit world, where abide the souls of the dead.
We will not \veary readers with lists of the names of the twelve heavens and the
twenty-four companies of supernatural denizens thereof.

It was explained by the priests of the cult of lo that that exalted being had no
connection with evil and could not be invoked in connection with evil matters, but
only regarding such items as were concerned with the welfare — physical, intellectual,
and spiritual — of the people. The only occasion on which lo may be said to have

[ 100 ]

1913.] MAN. [No. 57,

been concerned with evil was when, after the quarrels arose among the offspring of
the primal parents, the Sky Father and the Earth Mother, Tane obtained from Jo the
three receptacles or divisions of occult knowledge, including that pertaining to the
art of war. The explanation given of this by the priests was, that as the numerous
offspring of the above twain had rebelled against their parents and forced them apart,
afterwards dividing themselves into two hostile companies, under Tane and Whiro,
it \vas necessary to endow man with the knowledge of the art of war, that is that
evil (force) must fight evil ; rebellion and quarrelling could only be put down by
force. Evil forces had entered the world, and evil must contend against them.

The dwelling of lo is at Rangiatea, situated in that realm of the uppermost
heaven known as the Rauroha. In addition to the attendants already mentioned, a
being named Ruatau was a sort of special attendant of lo, and his duties were to
convey the commands of lo to all realms, and to carry out other special services.
For instance, on one occasion, lo remarked to Ruatau, " I hear a murmuring from
" below. Go thou and ascertain the cause thereof," whereupon Ruatau descended to
the earth, and found that the offspring of the heavens and earth were filled with
thoughts of rebellion against their parents. When lo heard of this, his word was
" Evil will surely result."

The poutiriao were supernatural beings appointed by lo as preservers of the
welfare of all things, as guardians of each heaven, of each world, of each realm, of
each division of nature, to each of which one such guardian was appointed. Thus
there was a special guardian for each class of animal life, one for fish, one for
birds, &c., as also for plant life. By means of these guardians was order preserved
throughout the departments of nature, and throughout the universe. Were it not for
these beings, order could not have been maintained. The realms and overlordship
of these guardians were periodically examined or inspected by the two companies
of beings, male and female, who inhabited the uppermost of the heavens, the
realm of lo.

In addition to the above, Te Whatahoro, one of the last men taught the sacred
traditions of the Takitumu tribes, states that at the dwelling place of lo, and situated
immediately in front of him, was a large stone that showed, in some manner, all that
was occurring in all the different realms or worlds. Thus if a member of the marei
kura returned to report to lo that certain things were occurring in, say the realm
of Kiwa (the ocean) then the Deity, by looking at the stone, could see, or know, all
particulars of such events.

In regard to lo, the teaching was to the effect that he had always existed, he
still exists, and will continue so to do for all time. He was never born, as witness
his title of lo, the parentless ; he had no wife, no offspring, he begat no being ; he
still exists and shall not know death. He created the heavens and earth, and caused
all worlds to come into existence ; it was he who caused the offspring of heaven and
earth (Rangi and Papa) to be brought forth. All life originally emanated from lo.
Man is not a descendant of lo, but from lo were obtained the spirit, the soul, the
breath of life, that were implanted in Hine-ahu-one, the earth-formed maid, from
whom man is truly descended.

No form of punishment, or threat of such, ever emanated from lo. He con-
demned none. In the cult of lo, as in those of lesser gods and of demons, nothing
was ever taught regarding any system of punishment of the soul after the death of
the body. The contest between good and evil is to be fought out in this world, and,
on the death of the body, the spirits of all are conducted to the spirit world. In
that realm no tortures or punishment await any spirit, and, in like manner, no form
of reward comes to the souls of the good.

" I think," quaintly remarked an old native to the writer, " that if your

[ 101 ]

No. 57.] MAN. [1913.

" missionaries had sympathised with our people, and had patiently studied the cult
" of lo, instead of despising and condemning our belief, that that cult would have
" been incorporated with your Bible."

The title of lo-te-kore-te-whiwhia, as applied to the Supreme Being, means that
not all who invoked him were listened to. At first men invoked the help of lo in
all matters, and, when it was found that many of such prayers were not heeded,
they then evolved or instituted minor gods who would listen to them in regard to all
matters.

All thiugs possess life in some form ; all things possess a wairua (spirit or soul),
each after the manner of its kind ; even birds, fish, trees, stones, rivers, the ocean,
&c. Hence, because all things possess life, all things know death, nothing endures
for ever, each thing shall die at its own time.

A few months ago I visited an elderly native, one deeply versed in the occult
lore of his race, and we chanced to converse on the subject of the origin of life,
and of spiritual life. I put this question to him : " Do the lower animals, trees, and
" stones possess a wairua (spirit or soul) ? " The old man picked up a stone from
the ground, and replied : " All things possess a wairua ; otherwise they could not
" exist. Matter cannot exist without such a principle. This is undeniable. Were
" this stone not possessed of a wairua, then it could not be seen by you ; it could
" not exist, it would disintegrate and disappear."

As the grey-haired old man ceased to speak, I looked up and saw spread before
me a fair land, a land tamed and cultivated, teeming with the homesteads of an
alien and intrusive people, my own folk, who discourse glibly of aeroplanes and race
over the trails of neolithic man in flying motor cars. And yet I was talking to a
man who had evolved these views ere Zenobia dwelt by the palm-lined city of the
Orient, when Europe was held by savage tribes of bushmen, when strange pole stars
wheeled across the northern heavens. Of what use for me, with the cramped mind
of the twentieth century, to try to understand the mentality of this man. The road
he treads is familiar to him, it was deserted by us fifty centuries ago ; the trail is
faint and long overgrown with the weeds of forgetfulness.

In studying the higher forms of Maori myth, you will note that everything came
into being by the will of lo, albeit he begat no being. All things were generated
by certain supernatural beings in the days when the world was young. Such was
the chain of origin, first creation, then generation, the natural corollary of which is
the very essence and kernal of the higher type of Maori religion, viz, that all things
down to the humblest weed and fragment of clay originally emanated from lo, and
contain, as it were, a portion of his spirit. There is but one step further to take :
That fragment of clay is lo.

The following words were spoken by an old teacher of the sacred School cf
Learning when making his closing address to the pupils : " We have seen that all
" things possess a soul, each after the manner of its kind. There is but one parent
" of all things, one origin of all things, one god of all things, one lord of all things,
" one spirit of all things, one soul of all things : Therefore, O sons, all things are
" one : All things are one, and emanated from lo the Eternal."

The expression toiora is applied to the spark of the divine in man, the portion
of the wairua (spirit or soul) of the Deity that is in every man. It represents the
spiritual and intellectual welfare of the genus homo; while his physical health or
welfare is described by the common term ora.

It is of interest to note that no image of lo was ever made by the Maori, and
that he had no aria (visible form, or form of incarnation), both of which were
common as in regard to the lesser gods. In like manner no offerings were made to
lo, no material offerings of any nature ; he was viewed as being above such things.

[ 102 ]

1913.] MAN. [Nos. 57-58.

Hence it was that the pure cult of lo was of too elevated a character for the
common people, and hence the belief in numbers of lesser gods who could be
placated by certain offerings, who had visible aria (such as a bird or lizard), and to
whom were recited divers charms or incantations infinitely inferior to the finely
worded invocations offered to the Supreme to.

We refrain from carrying these crude notes any further lest weariness afflict the
reader. We have sought to show that the ancestors of the Maori, in times long
passed away evolved a highly curious cult upon a very high plane of thought, one
strongly tinged with monotheistic ideas, and replete with extremely fine conceptions
of the attributes of a supreme Deity. However much this cult may have been
replaced among the people of a lower tone, there still remains the fact that the
superior one was evolved, and that it was preserved through many centuries to our
own time. If it be not admitted into the list of ethical religions, then assuredly it
comes near to that definition, and we have' not by any means given all details
concerning it.

The knowledge of the Cult of lo was jealously preserved by its priests on the
arrival of the English missionaries, and carefully withheld from the latter, but it was
still quietly taught on the east coast of the North Island until the sixties of last
century.

The following is a portion of an invocation chanted to lo at the opening of
the School of Occult Knowledge, as translated by Mr. S. Percy Smith: —
;' Enter deeply, enter to the very origins,
Into the very foundations of all knowledge,
O, lo of the hidden face.
Gather in, in the inner recesses of the ears,

As also in the desire, and perseverance, of these thy offspring, thy sons.
Descend on them thy memory, thy knowledge.
Best within the heart, within the roots of origin.
O, lo the Learned,
O, lo the Determined.
O, lo the Self Created." ELSDON BEST.

Scotland : Archaeology. Paterson.

Pygmy Flints in the Dee Valley. By H. M. Leslie Paterson. (Read CO
bejore the British Association at Dundee, September, 1912.) UU

Up to the year 1905 Scotland — anyway, north of the Forth — seemed destitute
of pygmy flints. As the result, however, of the stimulus imparted by the Rev. R.
A. Gatty, who many years ago discovered pygmy flints in England and so named
them, we set to work, and have now linked up Deeside with other parts of the
world.

Immediately below, or east of the confluence of the Feugh with the Dee in the
vicinity of Banchory, the strath of the latter river presents on its south side a fine
series of well-defined terraces. The two youngest terraces here are low-banked.
The newest, part of which is an island, is not yet beyond an abnormal flood, so
we do not expect to find flints on it. The next in sequence is a few feet higher,
and is well covered with good loam, indicating a considerable rest from flood troubles.
There is no sign of a flint man's site on it, however, though one small rough arrow-
head was found on its surface. From this we gather that the terrace was unsuitable
as a site (probably because it was damp and marshy), but that ancient life existed
with us when there was a considerable alluvial deposit at this level.

Three-quarters of a mile from the meeting of the waters these lower terraces

[ 103 J

No. 58,]

MAN.

[1913.

terminate their existence by sharply curving riverwards. At this point there had
been a considerable burn in ancient times, which had severed the lines of terraces.
Immediately across this cutting the bank of the Dee rises sharply to an approximate
height of 20 ft. to 25 ft. and recommences a fresh set of three terraces at that
elevation. The newest or last terrace is narrow, tapering almost to a point here,
well sheltered, and overlaid with rich dark loam to the depth of 2 feet. If you dig
down you find no flints in the upper foot of loam, while in the lower foot they are
fairly common. Remember there is no native flint in the Dee Valley anywhere
near, so the presence of flint chips in the soil must indicate a place where man
lived and worked.

In a mole-hill at the commencement of this terrace I found my first pygmy,
solitary in type as it strangely happens, but perfectly fashioned, of which I arn

extremely proud.

ev

The upper end
of this terrace
contains flints in
considerable
quantity of the
true pygmy type,
also rough neo-
iiths and a small
ratio of rubbishy
flakes. But just
across the burn
a rounded mound
on the same ele-
vation contains
great quantities
of flakes, but as
yet has not fur-
nished us with a
made implement.
The higher and
older terraces,
which are of a
very shingly
nature, the result
of a slight slope
towards the Dee,
_ I contain quite on
the surface num-
berless chips,
some rough
knives and scra-

pers, but a pygmy only on the rarest occasions. Across the river, on the north
side of it, on a narrow terrace of the same height as No. 1 site, and in many other
respects similar, genuine pygmies are found in conjunction with good neoliths and
much rubbish. Here was found the best small core which I possess — the core, in
fact, which I sent to Mr. Gatty immediately after reading his article, which he
suggested had had a pygmy tool struck from it, and which he thought an extremely
hopeful sign of the presence of pygmies in our neigbourhood, a prophecy which
came true.

[ 104 ]

_L

INCHES

SCOTTISH PYGMY FLINTS OF INDIAN TYPE.
FIG. 1.

1913.]

MAN.

[No. 58.

PYGMY CORE.
FIG. 2.

It is worth noting at this stage that these flint sites just mentioned, as indeed
all our most prolific areas, are small in extent and abut on good salmon pools.

It is now necessary to go down stream for a full half-mile. Here again, at the
south side, at the narrow end of a similar terrace, but in more open country, is found
ample evidence of the flint man in the shape of cores, rude knives, scrapers, and
flakes. It is not, however, until we reach the lower end of this terrace, fully
another half-mile, that pygmy flints make their appearance. This portion of the
terrace, which has no deep cutting, but is rather a deep-topped hump on the summit
of a long, slow, double slope, is rich in flints of the rude
order as also of the elaborate. One is always safe to find
something of interest here after the plough or the harrow has
been over it. In this site I found my smallest-shouldered
pygmy of true Indian type, pygmies of various sorts, rough
knives, duck-bill and thumb scrapers, combined knives and
hollow scrapers, hollow scrapers, borers, one saw, and a few
unclassified implements. It seems singular that with all this
wealth of flint forms I did not come across an arrow-head
here. All my research has only produced two small rough
specimens. Is this a sufficient ratio to indicate their general
use ? If not, what implements did these people use in place
of the arrow-head ?

We now ask ourselves the usual questions : Who made
these tiny tools, and for what were they made ? I have no
sound suggestion to offer as to their use. As to who made them ; the Bronze
and Stone Age are well represented in this locality. Bronze Age tombs are not
common, but plentiful evidence of the Bronze Age man, in the shape of pottery,
was brought to light at the draining of the Loch of Leys, some two miles distant
from us and the Dee.

Several finely preserved stone circles also bring the mind sharply back to
remote ages. Are any of them the work of the pygmy flint manufacturers ? Are
they one and the same people whose tombs and temples are on the hillsides and
whose camps are on the river terraces ? Are we to take it that the presence of
pygmies and neoliths on the same site indicate a common civilisation and a common
manufacture ?

I take the view that the 10-foot terrace level, or thereabouts, marks, in our
strath, the close of the flint man's existence. I find plentiful evidence of him above
the 20-foot level. Taking 24 feet as the level of No. 1 site and discounting 10
as a flood barrier, we are left with 14 feet of erosion to deal with.

As soon as the flood was held back definitely, alluvia began to

FIG 3 — PYGMY deposit on this terrace in a certain ratio to the process of erosion.
FLINT FOUND IN We find 2 feet of alluvia overlying a deep strata of river sand.
1906 AT BIEK- That is equal to the 14 feet of erosion. Flints are plentiful 1 foot
WOOD, BANCHORY below the surface. That is to say, prehistoric existence on this

(TWICE NATURAL t • measured and limited— roughly, of course— by 7 feet of

m 7 "F i

erosion. The upper foot of soil is barren of flints. That indicates

the close of the flint man's era and the span of time that separates us. Here, at
a level little above our highest flood tide, whether precipitately or as a dwindling
race we are unable to estimate, he unbent his bow for the last time and laid aside
the " fabricator " with which he fashioned these mysterious implements.

H. M. LESLIE PATEBSON.

[ 105 ]

Nos, 59-60.] MAN. [1913.

REVIEWS.
Philippine Islands : Physical Anthropology. Bean.

The Racial Anatomy of the Philippine Islanders. By Robert Bennett CQ
Bean. J. B. Lippincott & Co., 1910. UU

Dr. Bean was for three years Professor of Anatomy in Manila, and contributed
a series of papers on the physical anthropology of the native tribes to the Philippine
Journal of Science. He divides the individuals with a cephalic index greater than
87 into four groups : " The tall, wide-nosed, wide-headed people are called Adriatic
44 because of their similarity to the people of that name designated by Deniker .
i4 the small, wide-nosed, wide-headed [people] are called Primitive because their
" physical characteristics are infantile, they resemble the Primitive types of other
44 countries . . . the tall, narrow-nosed and wide-headed are designated B.B.B.
" (the big-cerebellumed, box-headed Bavarian) because they resemble a European
" type with similar characteristics ; the small, narrow-nosed and wide-headed are
" called Alpine, because they resemble the inhabitants of Southern Germany, Switzer-
" land, and Central France. . . . The Alpine and the B.B.B. are closely related
" types, and so are the Primitive and Adriatic, stature being the only differential
" factor. . . . The individuals with small stature, narrow heads, and narrow
" noses are called Iberian. . . . The tall narrow-headed, narrow-nosed people
" would be the Northern European (Nordic), but A7ery few are found in the
" Philippines, and as those found resemble the Mediterranean race they are included
" as Iberians. The tall, wide-nosed, narrow-headed individuals are called Cro-
44 Magnon. . . . The small, wide-nosed, narrow-headed individuals are called Austia-
44 loid." The " only difference " between the Cro-Magnon and the Australoid,
and between the Nordic and the Iberian is stature.

The ethnology of the Philippines is certainly complicated, but though Dr. Bean's
observations are of value his classification does not appeal to the present writer.
Dr. Bean introduces a new index, the omphalic index, which refers to the position
of the umbilicus in relation to the pubis and the suprasternal notch ; he thinks it
may prove valuable. He made a large number of observations on ears, the types
of which are classed by him in the above-mentioned groups and others. The ear
certainly requires more extensive study than has hitherto been accorded this organ,
and whatever may be the fate of his classification, the data accumulated by Dr.
Bean will be useful. In an Appendix a "Palaeolithic Man" (Homo Philippinensis)
is described from a single individual ; this is believed to be the fundamental type
of the Philippines and to be closely allied to the Australoid type, though the sagittal
contour of the head is not at all typically Australian. "The sequence of events in
44 the Philippines has been something like the following : The Negritos and Homo
'4 Philippinensis inhabited the islands when the Malays came, although Homo
44 Philippinensis may have come with the Malays [!]. The earliest migrations
44 into the archipelago brought the Hindus, largely of Iberian type. Later came
44 the Neo-Malays, Avho were largely of the Primitive type. The Moros or
44 Mohammedans, also of the Iberian type, came afterwards, and more recently the
44 Spaniards (Iberians) settled." In the Preface the author says, 44 The book
44 represents a new departure in anthropology and it is to be hoped that this contai-
44 button from the New World will be received with due consideration as a striving
44 after truth." A. C. HADDON.

Mexico : Religion. Preuss.

Die Nayarit Expedition, Vol. /, Die Religion der Cora Indianer. By fjfi

Dr. K. Th. Preuss. OU

This is the first of the volumes in which Dr. K. Th. Preuss will record the

results of his expedition to the Sierra del Nayarit, in north-western Mexico, where he

[ 106 ]

1913.] MAN. [No. 60.

spent nineteen months in unbroken intercourse with the wild and difficult peoples.
The Cora live in the western part of that mountainous region, and were conquered
by the Spaniards about 1700, when Padre Ortega wrote a history of the expedition,
but since then they have been left to themselves and have preserved their religion
and language. We now have from Dr. Preuss 300 pages of the texts of their sacred
songs, myths, and tales, and a long vocabulary with references to the texts.

As a scientific account of a courageous and remarkable achievement, the work
deserves the highest praise. The author remained alone among the Cora for seven
months, he gained the affection and confidence of the leading men, and was able to
gather full and exact information respecting their beliefs and ceremonies. Doubtless
he profited by the previous sojourn of Dr. C. Luinholtz among the neighbouring
Huicholes (considered at the time, locally, a most hazardous experiment), and the
Cora knew that a foreigner could be friendly and sympathetic.

In December 1905 Dr. Preuss reached the Cora village, Jesus Maria, from Tepic,
and began to learn the language from Francisco Molina, a man of sixty, who had
served in the army and knew some Spanish. At the end of a month he moved on
to S. Francisco, two hours away, and worked with the singers of sacred songs of
both places, witnessing the festivals and experiencing the climatic influences which
have moulded the ideas of the people. Under the cloudless skies and intense heat
of May and June he learned " to see with the eyes of the Cora the shining moon-
" goddess, the morning star (their faithful helper), and the host of divinities who
" have their being in the stars, hills, and streams, and in the clouds of the rainy
" season." Then came the swift change from the desert landscape of the long
rainless season to an expanse of flowering greenery and growing crops, which would
naturally be attributed to supernatural powers. The northern seasons of winter and
summer have no counterpart here, and the days are really shorter when the sun is
farthest north, owing to the clouds and afternoon rains.

The mythic elements of Cora religion, the forces of Nature, and the myths
relating to them — gods, ceremonies, and festivals — are treated in the preliminary
chapters of this work, and illustrated by quotations from the songs. All this is most
valuable to the student of religions, and the deep religious sense and poetical expres-
sion natural to the Mexican Indian mind are well brought out in the comments on the
texts. Fire among the Cora, as among the ancient Mexicans, is the foundation of
all the heavenly fires, the sun as well as the stars. The moon-goddess has a
more prominent place in the cult than the sun-divinity, who remains passive in the
great council above (p. 1). She creates the rain-gods and the earth. The night -
heaven is the chief factor^ in Cora religion. The morning star brought men
ceremonies without which they would be helpless (p. Ixviii), and prayers and
offerings are of the greatest importance. Words and thoughts are not produced by
men themselves but are given by the divinities, chiefly by one of the three highest
divinities, whilst prayers and myths come from the elders, the precursors of the gods ;
just as the Mexicans considered each dead person a teotl, the Cora see their ancestors
in the gods.

In the song to the sun (quoted p. xcvi) are the lines : —

" Here are his actual words that he will give to us his children,
With which we in him have life and have our being in the world.

his words that he chose and here has left.
Here left he his thoughts to his children."

The acknowledged power of thoughts is shown principally in that, before every
action, however insignificant it may be, the intention or inner thought and inspiration
are always emphasized.

The cicada, which begin to make themselves heard towards the end of the dry

[ 107 ]

Nos. 60-61.] MAN. [1913.

season, are said to be born behind the gods, beyond the world. They are adorned
by the gods (the blossom of fruit-trees is their raiment) and come down to man
from heaven, bringing the rains. The humming-bird is the sun's messenger and
fetches the rain-gods. A song for the seed-time dance (p. 61, text), describing the
growing of the maize, is also a poetic rendering of the natural facts, unfortunately
too long to be given here.

The arrangement of the festival-ground and the designs on the interior of the
sacred gourd-bowl represent the universe : —

THE WORLD. THE FESTIVAL-GROUND.

Within a circle (1) which represents the 1. Border of the festival-ground, or the whole

border of the entire world, there is a series of gourd-bowl, which represents the world,
connected semi-circles (2), which .serve the gods 2. The dancers go between the edge of the

as a wall. Radiating from the centre are four world and the wall of the gods, between the
cross-arms (JJ), the four directions, the dwelling- singers and the altar.

places of the gods. The seats of the twelve 3. The four directions of the festival-ground

elders or first dwellers on earth (4) form a circle where the gods live and receive the homage of
round the centre (5), the middle of the world, their children.

where our father, the eun, lives. 4. The elders of the village, the chief, and

the principal men.

5. The fire, which represents the sun and
indicates the middle of the festival-ground.

Dr. Preuss points out the resemblance of the gourd-bowl design in its most
elaborate form to the " Calendar-stone " of Mexico and other variations of the
quauhxicalli. At the time of the conquest of the Cora country, in 1722, it was
recorded that a stone vessel with a figure of the sun, on which it had been cus-
tomary to make an offering of a child every month, was brought to Mexico from the
sanctuary of the Mesa del Nayarit. Only flowers and unspun wool, representing the
stars and clouds, are now offered by the Cora in the gourd-bowl.

These few scraps from the feast provided in this most interesting volume may
give some faint idea of the important detailed information on the habits of mind and
spiritual ideas of a people who were considered savages. The deepest regret will
be felt if the call to further enterprises should prevent the author from speedily
bringing out his proposed second volume, Die Geisteivelt der Huichol-Indianer in
Texten. A. C. BRETON.

Polynesia : Mythology. „ Westervelt.

Legends of Ma-ui, a Demi-God of Polynesia, and of his Mother flina. By OJ
W. D. Westervelt. Honolulu : The Hawaiian Gazette Co., 1910.

Mr. Westervelt has done good service in republishing in book form his magazine
articles on (Maui), the Polynesian cosmic hero, the legends about whom " form one
" of the strongest links in the mythological chain of evidence which binds the
" scattered inhabitants of the Pacific into one nation." Maui legends though often
in an incomplete state are found all over Polynesia and in parts of Melanesia and
Micronesia, they are undoubtedly of remote antiquity and certainly can be traced to
the prehistoric Polynesians, indeed several hints of Hindu influence have been detected
in them. Maui is generally spoken of as the youngest of four brothers bearing the
same name. There is much diversity of opinion as to his ancestry, though it is
generally stated that his parents were supernatural beings. Although he lived a
very human life he was possessed of supernatural powers in addition to an inventive
mind and a very tricky and mischievous disposition. He was " the fisherman who
" pulls up islands," and he improved fish-traps and rendered fish-hooks and fish-spears
more efficacious by adding barbs. According to different Polynesian legends Maui
raised the sky, which till then had not been separated from the earth, and thus made

[ 108 ]

1913.] MAN. [Nos. 61-62.

the earth habitable for his fellow-men. He was also "the ensnarer of the sun," only
permitting him to pursue his course on the condition that he went more slowly in
order to increase the length of the day. Maui by aid of his cunning and magical
powers gave fire to mankind, and some legends make him the fire-teacher as well as
the fire-fiuder, as he taught men how to make fire by the friction of two sticks. In
seeking immortality for man he lost his life. There is a native saying : "If Maui
" had not died he could have restored to life all who had gone before him ; and
" thus succeeded in destroying death." As Tylor remarks, "Maui's death by his
" ancestress the Night fitly ends his solar career." " It is a little curious," Wester-
velt points out, "that around the different homes of Maui there is so little record of
" temples, and priests, and altars. He lived too far back for priestly customs. His
" story is the most mythical survival of the days when- church and civil government
" there was none, and worship of the gods was practically unknown." R. Taylor
says . . . . " Though regarded [in New Zealand] as a god, he does not appear to
" have been generally prayed to as one ; yet he was invoked for their kumara [sweet
" potato] crop and success in fishing." If any hero deserved worship it was Maui,
and yet even he does not appear to have achieved it. A. C. HADDON.

Africa, West: Nigeria. Tremearne.

The Tailed Head-hunters of Nigeria. By Major A. J. H. Tremearne. OO
Seeley, Service & Co., Ltd. Pp. xvi + 342. Ut

Major Tremearne is known to the reader as the author of a book on the West
Sudan and on the Niger, and has acquired a considerable reputation by his collection
of Haussa folk-lore. In this book with the misleading title he gives a popular
account of his stay in Nigeria, an account which shows that the author is far from
being in sympathy with the administration of the Colony. It is hoped that things
are not quite as bad as they appear when seen through the eyes of Major Tremearne,
and that punitive expeditions, executions, and deaths of prisoners of war are not
considered of so little importance as would appear from these pages. It seems
scarcely fair on the official or the native that one white man should be given power
to prosecute and try, sentence and execute any native who according to his ideas is
deserving of capital punishment.

Who are the tailed head-hunters ? We are told that the Kagoro and the
neighbouring tribes, of which two only are cannibals, organise head-hunting expedi-
tions so as to obtain the greatest number of heads and skulls with which to ornament
the bottle-shaped graves in their villages, in which they bury their dead ; no Kagoro
youth is allowed to marrv before he has procured the head of an enemy. The tail
referred to in the title is worn by the women of the same tribes (possibly as a relic
of phallic worship) and is made of palm fibre, very tightly drawn together and bound
with string. It is worn above the buttocks. Men alone hunt heads, women alone
wear tails, consequently there are no tailed head-hunters at all.

In the part dealing with religion, Major Tremearne finds it difficult to explain
the native idea that the soul is connected with breath and shadow, and that it leaves
the body of the sleeper ; for does the sleeper not breathe ? I suggest that the soul
is independent from the wandering "shadowy self," corresponding to the Egyptian
Ka, which occurs generally in the beliefs of West African negroes.

The author gives interesting information concerning the tribes he has visited
and constantly mentions analogies with peoples from such distant parts of the world
as Borneo, Fiji, &c. He makes a spirited defence of the native customs, pointing
out that if many of them seem strange to us the black man can justly laugh at
many of the superstitions still openly practised by civilised peoples, such as touching

109 ]

Nos, 62-63.] MAN. [1913.

wood, throwing salt over one's shoulder, &c. He advocates the preservation of native
institutions, unless they be harmful or unjust.

The book is well got up, but the photographs which illustrate it leave much to
be desired. E. T.

ANTHROPOLOGICAL NOTES.

THE following correspondence has passed in connection with the scheme OQ
for the establishment of an Oriental Research Institute in India : — UU

Royal Anthropological Institute,

50, Great Russell Street, London, W.C.
18th April 1913.

MY LORD, — The attention of the Council of the Royal Anthropological Institute
has been drawn to the statement in the Educational Supplement of The Times, under
date of the 1st April 1913, to the effect that the exhaustive resolution which appeared
in the Gazette of India on the 22nd February promises special attention to the
subject of Oriental studies, especially a scheme which has been put forward for
establishing an Oriental Research Institute. In this connection my Council have
carefully considered the interesting and valuable reports of the Conference of Orien-
talists held at Simla in July 1911, and of the Treasury Committee which was
appointed in 1907 to consider and report on the organisation of Oriental studies in
London.

My Council desire to support strongly the proposals made by the Conference of
Orientalists in 1911, for the establishment in India of an Oriental Research Institute,
and to submit the following considerations in regard to some of the details of the
scheme laid before the Government of India.

In the first place, we have to represent that Anthropology — not in the restricted
sense of physical anthropology alone, but in the broader significance of the science
of the evolution of human culture and social organisation — should be an integral
feature of the studies of the Oriental Research Institute. My Council desire to offer
to the Government of India through your Lordship their best service and assistance
in promoting this department of the work of the Oriental Research Institute, and to
refer in passing to the importance of anthropological study from an administrative or
political point of view, and to its bearings on the difficult and peculiar problems
which confront the Government of India at every turn. To discover, to discuss,
and to decide the nature and origin of the deep-seated differences of thought and
mental perspective between Eastern and Western societies is a task of high import-
ance and of great complexity, which seems possible of achievement only by the wide
synthetic methods of modern anthropological science, by which the results won by
workers in the domains of religion, archaeology, history, art, linguistics, and sociology
are unified, classified, and co-ordinated. As the writings of men like Sir Herbert
Risley, sometime President of the Royal Anthropological Institute, Sir Alfred Lyall,
and Sir George Grierson, demonstrate beyond a doubt, a comprehensive examination
of present-day Indian conditions reveals the working of social ideas and ideals which
have their origin in a low level of culture. Among the people of India to-day are
preserved beliefs, customs, and institutions which testify to the intimacy of the
relations between the higher and the lower forms of culture, and to the special
importance of India as a field for anthropological research.

Upon scientific grounds, too, we urge that a wide view be taken of the scope
of Oriental Research. Indian culture is not isolated from other cultures. India is a
part, an important part, but still a part of a larger whole. The culture of India is
marked by a complexity which is due to contact with alien cultures. Its peoples

[ no ]

1913.] MAN. [No. 63.

are of various origin. The affinities of Indian languages link them with families of
speech extending far beyond the Indian Peninsula. While the intensive study of
Indian problems is of great importance, their true value and their relations with
other phases of culture, can be ascertained only by correlation with the results of
general anthropological investigation.

We do not seek to minimise or in any way to disparage the importance of
studies in the great classical languages and literatures of India when we venture to
emphasize the necessity for developing simultaneously the systematic study of
modern Indian vernaculars, whether they are derived from classical archetypes or
are related to other families of speech. We recognise gratefully that much has been
done, much is being done in this direction, by Indian scholars, but there are still
large gaps in our knowledge.

Since the principal object of the proposed Oriental Institute is to offer facilities
both to Indian and European students and scholars for research in the higher
branches of Oriental Studies, we trust very earnestly that selected and duly qualified
officers of the Indian Services, Civil and Military, will be encouraged, by means of
special study leave, to conduct research at the Institute in India, and that in the
same way facilities for research will be provided for both classes of students at the
Institute which we hope will at no distant date be established in London.

My Council observe that it is suggested that the Oriental Institute should be
closely associated with the learned societies, the Universities, and with the Govern-
ment of India. We urge that, to complete this important phase of the organisation
of the intellectual resources of the Empire, the Oriental Research Institute should at
the same time be brought into close relations with the learned societies and the
Universities in England, and in particular with the Oriental Institute to be founded
in London. We suggest, therefore, that it is advantageous to appoint an Advisory
Committee composed of representatives of the India Office, of learned societies such
as the Royal Asiatic Society, and the Royal Anthropological Institute, and of the
Universities where Oriental studies are systematically prosecuted. It would be the
duty of the Committee to promote the co-operation of learned societies with the two
Oriental Institutes, to report and advise on material collected and published by the
Indian Research Institute, to suggest lines and methods of enquiry, and to facilitate
collaboration between students and investigators in India, and scholars in England.

In conclusion, I am to express the earnest hope of my Council that your
Lordship will be pleased to take such measures as may be found expedient in order
to secure complete unity and harmony of action between the several bodies engaged
in promoting Oriental research in this country and in India, and to convey their
desire to render every assistance they can for this end.

I am, my Lord,
Your Lordship's obedient Servant,

T. C. HODSOX, Hon. Sec.

The Right Hon. the Secretary of State for India,
India Office, Whitehall, S.W.

India Office, Whitehall, London: S.W.

29th May, 1913.

SIR,— I am directed by the Secretary of State for India in Council to acknow-
ledge the receipt of your letter of the 18th April regarding the scheme for the
establishment of an Oriental Research Institute in India. His Lordship is fully

C in ]

Nos. 63-64.] MAN. [1913.

alive to the importance of anthropological research, and desires to thank the Council
of the Royal Anthropological Institute for their offer of assistance, which he is
conveying to the Government of India. But it would at present be premature to
discuss the exact scope of the proposed Research Institute in India, as will be
understood from the enclosed extract from the Resolution on Educational Policy
published by the Government of India on the 21st February last.

I am, Sir,

Your obedient Servant,

The Honorary Secretary, ED. MONTAGU.

Royal Anthropological Institute,

50, Great Russell Street, W.C.

COPY EXTRACT RESOLUTION ON EDUCATIONAL POLICY PUBLISHED BY THE
GOVERNMENT OF INDIA, DATED 21sT FEBRUARY 1913.

Oriental Studies.

58. The Government of India attach great importance tc the cultivation and
improvement of Oriental studies. There is increasing interest throughout India in
her ancient civilisation, and it is necessary to investigate that civilisation with the
help of the medium of Western methods of research, and in relation to modern ideas.
A conference of distinguished Orientalists held at Simla in July 1911, recommended
the establishment of a Central Research Institute on lines somewhat similar to those
of L'Ecole Fran^ais d'Extreme Orient at Hanoi. The question was discussed whether
research oould efficiently be carried on at the existing Universities ; and the opinion
predominated that it would be difficult to create the appropriate atmosphere of
Oriental study in those Universities as at present constituted, that it was desirable
to have in one institution scholars working on different branches of the kindred
subjects which comprise Orientalia, and that for reasons of economy it was preferable
to start with one iustitute well-equipped, and possessing a first-class library. The
Government of India are inclined to adopt this view, and to agree with the Conference
that the Central Institute should not be isolated, that it should be open to students
from all parts of India, and that it should, as far as possible, combine its activities
with those of the Universities of India and different seats of learning. The object
of the Institute, as apart from research, is to provide Indians highly trained in original
work, who will enable schools of Indian history and archeology to be founded
hereafter, prepare catalogues raisonnes of manuscripts, develop museums, and build
up research in Universities and Colleges of the different provinces. Another object
is to attract in the course of time pandits and maulvis of eminence to the Institute,
and so to promote an interchange of the higher scholarship of both the old and the
new school of Orientalists throughout India. But before formulating a definite scheme
the Governor-General in Council desires to consult Local Governments.

64

MR. J. EDGE-PAKTINGTON writes as follows : — "In a 'Note on certain Obsolete
" 'Utensils in England,' which appeared in MAN, 1913, 18, 1 illustrated in
" Fig. 2, No. 17, a utensil the use of which I was ignorant. I have lately received
" a letter from Mrs. Westley, in which she says that this particular utensil was
" ' for roasting small game-birds, which were hung round on the various hooks, and
" * the whole turned by the brass meat-jack (No. 13) ; a larger bird was hung, if
'• ' necessary, from the middle hook. I have seen this in use in my father's house
" ' for many years.' "

Printed by EYRE AND SPOTTISWOODE, LTD., His Majesty's Printers, East Harding Street, B.C.

PLATE H.

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1913.] MAN. [No. 65.

ORIGINAL ARTICLES.

Peru: Religion. With. Plate H. Joyca.

The Clan-Ancestor in Animal Form as depicted on Ancient PC

Pottery of the Peruvian Coast. By T. A. Joyce, M.A. 00

Remarkably little is known from literary sources concerning the manners and
customs of the early inhabitants of the Peruvian coast. The archaeological remains
from this district, however, far outnumber those from any other region of South
America, and those relating to a period some centuries before the Inca conquest of
the coast belong to a very high order of craftsmanship. This is particularly the case
with the pottery, and the habit of delineating in moulded or painted form the men
and women of the time with their dress and ornaments enables us to reconstruct to a
certain extent the local ethnography. The most advanced pottery, to speak artistically,
falls into two groups, associated respectively with the district of Truxillo and the
valley of Nasca. The two schools show many similarities, and were, I believe, con-
temporary, but striking differences exist. The Truxillo potter excelled in modelling,
And his painting, though free and bold, was in monochrome. At Nasca moulded ware
was rare, and the decoration, though less free and more conventionalised than at
Truxillo, had developed in the direction of colour. The colours (in slip) are rich
and varied, and include, besides black and white, red, pink, orange, yellow, buff,
and grey. The tendency of the Nasca potter to conventionalise renders some of the
•designs difficult to understand, but the underlying connection with the Truxillo school
enables us in some cases to fathom his meaning, as the following small point will
show. In a series of thirty-four Nasca vases recently acquired by the British
Museum, three illustrate the personage shown in Fig. 1. This figure requires a little
•explanation. The first tning that strikes the eye is a large face wearing a mouth-
mask and a turban-like headdress furnished in front with a small face. Less obvious
are two profile faces facing upwards, placed on either side at the level of the eyes.
On each side of the main face is a pendant ear-ornament, terminating in a face.* To
the left are seen the two hands of the personage depicted, grasping a club, while to
the right stands the body, clad in a fringed tunic. The artist has exaggerated the
•dimensions of the face (as the most important feature) beyond all proportion, and has
heen forced by limitations of space to adopt this peculiar arrangement of body and
limbs. Across the top of the body, and extending to the right, is a kind of cloak
with engrailed edges, which give it a " caterpillary " effect ; the cloak terminates
in a head with projecting tongue and two hands. This cloak is also somewhat
exaggerated, being, as i hope to show, an important feature, and I would, in this
•connection, call attention to the line of connected dots down the centre. The fact
that this personage, with the same attributes, is shown with very little variation on.
three out of a series of thirty-four vases, implies that he is at least a character of
local importance.

To turn now to the Truxillo district, one of the most frequent designs on the
painted pots of that region is what I interpret as a ceremonial dance. In a collec-
tion of 250 vases from tlie Chicama Valley, presented by Mr. Van den Bergh to
the British Museum, more than thirty pots bear this design, which, in one of the
finest specimens appears as Fig. 2. This figure shows plainly the headdress, con-
sisting of the skin of a small cat-like animal, invariably worn by the dancers, as
well as the peculiar bifid object which they are inevitably represented as carrying.
In Fig. 2 this object looks like a pair of shears, but in most cases (as in Plate H)
~t\\Q points bend over in the same or opposite directions, and suggest a plant with
two shoots or leaves. In most cases the dancers wear animal masks and dresses, and

* This tendency to multiply faces is typical of Nasca art, and constitutes an important link
the mysterious monolith found at Chavin de Huantar, in the highlands far to the north.

No. 65.]

MAN.

[1913.

1S13.]

MAN.

[No. 65.

I have figured one such finely-executed scene in ray SoutJi American Archceology,
Fig. 15, p. 155 ; but the most elaborate representation of this scene occurs on a
vase, also one of the Van den Bergh collection, the design of which is shown
on the accompanying Plate H. Owing to their conventional nature, the animals
are not easy to identify. In row A, No. 1, and row C, No. 4, we have a bird with
a loug bill, probably a humming-bird ; A, 2, and D, 2, are probably jaguars ; A, 3,
may be a hawk ; A, 4, is certainly a deer (the peculiar tail, and the lolling tongue
similar to that of the Mexican mazatl sign, enable us to identify it by comparison
with other Peruvian vases); A, 5, may be a lizard ; B, 1, doubtful ; B, 2, a butter-
fly ; B, 3, a snake ; B, 4, a scorpion ; B, 5, and D, 3, condors ; C, 1, a centipede ;
C, 2, a wasp ; C, 3, a pelican (also by comparison with other pots) ; D, 1, a wild
cat ; and D, 4, a fox.

It is to the first figure in row C, the centipede, that I would call attention, as
affording an interpretation of the figure on the Nasca vase. Apart from the fact
that the body of the animal is arranged in the same position relative to the human
figure, we have the realistic legs of the Truxillo representation paralleled by the
" caterpillary " projections of the Nasca picture, the nippers and head in the former
by the face and hands of the latter, the circles marking the body-segments in the
former by the row of connected dots in the latter. I would suggest, therefore, that
the Nasca vase represents a human figure in centipede dress.

Before considering the meaning of the costume, I should like to trace shortly
the centipede motive in Nasca art ; tbe illustrations which follow are taken from

FlG. 3. — FIGURE OP CENTIPEDE : FBO11 AN ANCIENT VASE, NASCA VALLEY, PERU.

the small series of thirty-four vases mentioned above, a fact which emphasizes the
importance of this animal in the Nasca valley. Fig. 3 shows the centipede alone,
utilised as a single band round a beaker-shaped vase. Fig. 4 gives the body of the
animal forming an endless ornamental band in conjunction with human faces ; in this
representation the legs have been elaborated, but the row of connected dots down
the centre of the body persists. In Fig. 5, again we have the body as an endless
band, in connection with the figures of mice ; here it is so conventionalised as to
render recognition difficult when taken by itself, but in connection with the former
figures I think its identity is beyond doubt.

As I have said above, we know practically nothing of the customs and beliefs
of the coast peoples, but it is fair to argue by analogy from what we know of the
inlanders, for this reason. It is obvious to one who has studied the archaeology of
South America that the cultured peoples of the Andes and west coast possessed a
common psychology which manifested itself in social systems, religions, and art, which
were closely akin. Without this kinship, indeed, the rapidity and permanence of the
Inca conquest were, considering the geographical conditions, unthinkable. The Inca
imposed sun-worship, it is true, but were satisfied that offerings should be made to
their own god at stated festivals ; for the rest the subject tribes were allowed to
worship their own deities, and the latter were even allowed to participate in the
great sun-festivals at the capital. Beyond a mere ceremonial admission of the priority

No. 65.]

MAN.

[1913.

of the sun as a deity nothing was expected of the vassals, and in the mind of the
ordinary native the local huaca exercised far greater control over his everyday actions
and fortunes. One of the most important sides of the Peruvian religion everywhere

was the worship of the an-
cestor of the clan (ayllu\
and an equally important
feature of the mytho-
logy was the tendency
for these minor deities
to assume animal shape.
In fact in many of the
legends, as in the legends
of British Columbia, the
human and animal aspects
of the mythological indi-
vidual are impossible to
distinguish. The clan
was an important ele-
ment iii the Peruvian
social system, at any
rate throughout the high-
lands ; there is evidence

FIG. 4.- CENTIPEDE MOTIVE : FROM AN ANCIENT VASE, that the cla"S W6r6 *GS™~

NASCA VALLEY, PERU. gated in different quarters

of important cities, such

as at Cuzco, and the arrangement of the coastal buildings into distinct wards, each
surrounded by its own wall, which is so noticeable at Truxillo, suggests that a
similar system prevailed on the sea'board. According to a widespread creation-myth
(I quote from Molina,
whose account is espe-
cially full), "in Tia-
" huanaco the Creator
" began to raise up
" the people and na-
" tions that are in
" that region, making
" one of each nation
" of clay, and paint-
" ing the dresses that
" each one was to
" wear. . . . He
" gave life and soul
" to each one . . .
" and ordered that
" they should pass
*' under the earth.
" Thence each nation
" came up in the
" places to which he
" ordered them to go. Thus they say that some issued from caves, others from
" hills, others from fountains, others from the trunks of trees. . . . Thus each
" nation uses the dress with which they invest their huaca ; and they say that the

Fia. 5. — CENTIPEDE MOTIVE : FROM AN ANCIENT VASE,

NASCA VALLEY, PERU.

1913,] MAN. [Nos, 65-66.

" first that was born from that place was there turned into stones, others say that
" the first of their lineages (ayllu) were turned into falcons, condors, and other
" animals and birds. Hence the huaca they use and worship are in different
"• shapes."

As supplementary to the above may be mentioned the statement of Arriaga,
that in a certain village the discovery was made of a stone figure of a falcon
supported on a silver plate and surrounded by four human mummies richly dressed.
The falcon was said to be the huaca of the ayllu, and the mummies were stated to
be those of its sons, the progenitors of the ayllu ; as such they were objects of
local worship.

A passage from Garcilasso de la Vesga, himself of Inca descent, taken with the
above, will, I think, explain the use of animal costumes. He is writing of the great
feast of the Sun, Yntip Raymi, at Cuzco, and of the part played therein by the
vassal tribes : " The Curacas (local chiefs) came in all the splendour they could
" afford. Some wore dresses adorned with bezants of gold and silver, with the same
" fastened as a circlet round their headdresses. Others came in a costume neither
" more nor less than that in which Hercules is painted, wrapped in the skins of
" lions with the heads fixed over their own. These were the Indians who claimed
" descent from a lion. Others came attired in the fashion that they paint their
" angels, with great wings of the bird they call cuntur (condor). . . . These
*' are the Indians who declare that they are descended from a cuntur. The Yunca
" (coast-dwellers) came attired in the most hideous masks that can be imagined, and
" they appeared at the feasts making all sorts of grimaces. . . ."

One feature of these animal dresses deserves mention, viz., that they constituted
almost the only kind of personal property known nnder the communistic system
which prevailed, at least under the Inca regime, in Peru. The personal fetishes
belonging to a man were buried with him, but the family fetishes (conopa) and the
dresses worn in the festivals held in honour of the huaca, which must almost certainly
be identified with these animal costumes, were inherited by the eldest son. In this
respect they correspond to the animal masks and other insignia connected with the
winter ceremonials of the tribes of the west coast of North America, though here
inheritance is frequently — indeed, more frequently — in the female line.

The points which I wish to emphasize in the above short paper may be summa-
rised as follows. The importance of the cult of the clan-ancestor throughout Peru ;
the identification of the dance scene with animal costumes, so common in early coastal
pottery, with ceremonies commemorating the huaca of the various ayllu ; and the
importance of the centipede as a local huaca in the valley of Nasca.

T. A. JOYCE.

Sociology : India. Hodson.

Birth Marks as a Test of Race. By T. C. Hodson. OO

The Indian Government has taken advantage of the recent Census opera- UU
tions to order enquiries into the prevalence of blue patches on the lower sacral region
of infants, which Herr Baelz believes are found exclusively amongst persons of
Mongolian race. The anthroponietric data, examined in 1901 by and under the
direction of the late Sir Herbert Risley, showed that there is a Mongoloid element
in the population of the delta of the Ganges and its tributaries from the confines of
Bihar to the Bay of Bengal, from the Himalayas on the north and the province of
Assam on the east down to Orissa, with the hilly country of Chota Nagpur and
Western Bengal as a western limit. On the northern and eastern frontier India
marches with the great Mongolian region, but the intervention of the great physical
barrier of the Himalayas offers an impassable obstacle to the southward extension of

No. 66.] MAN. [1913.

the Mongolian races. (Census of India, Vol. I., 1901, pages 504 and 505.) The
Census Reports for 1911, which have been published, give some remarkable results of
the investigations then made into the Mongoloid patch theory. In Assam (Report,
page 127), Mr. McSwiney comes to the conclusion that blue spots are fairly common
amongst all classes in Assam. They are found sporadically among Hindus and
Mohammedans, and are said not to be very prevalent among Nagas or Manipuris,
whose languages are, of course, Tibeto-Burman. People were not ready to give
information, which is not surprising. In Burma the reports indicate that among the
indigenous races of the province (Burmese, Karens, Taungthus, Chins, Kachins, Shans,
Talaings, Danus, Inthas, Taungyos) and their sub-tribes the existence of a coloured
patch of irregular shape in the lower sacral region is almost, if not quite, universal.
The colour is generally dark blue, but variations in colour from dark brown and dull
reddish to pink have been observed. Between 80 and 90 per cent, would represent
the number of babies born with the marks. (Burma Census Report, 1911, page 285.)
The United Provinces Report is also interesting. The marks have been found in
persons so ethnically different as Bengali Brahmans and Hazara Pathans. It is
commonest in Almora, Nairn Tal, and South Mirzapur, where the tribes are aboriginal
and of all castes, commonest among Tharus, who have always been supposed to have
an admixture of Mongolian blood. (Report of the Census of the United Provinces,
pages 361 and 362.) The Tharu percentage is not high, 13 '7, and in this province,
especially in the districts bordering on the sub-Himalayan tracts, further enquiries
seem necessary. It is quite possible that both Bengali Brahmans and Hazara Pathans
have come into contact with Mongolian stocks. Risley always held that the Mongoloid
element in Bengal was large. The Baroda Report gives purely negative results
(page 243). In the Bombay Report (page 208) it is stated that observations were
taken in several maternity hospitals, which gave the following data : — Hindus, 25 per
cent, in Bombay, and seventeen out of nineteen in Ahmedabad. Goanese nearly 20 per
cent. The inference is drawn that Dr. Baelz is incorrect in thinking that this pigmentation
is confined exclusively to Mongolians, though he may be correct in concluding that it is
universal among those races. The witty author of the Madras Census Report observes
that trace of Mongolian descent afforded by blue markings on the hinder parts of
children was a subject proposed for enquiry. The matter is one for expert knowledge
and opportunity, and, unfortunately, the quest failed to stir the imagination of the
Madras doctors. Among the Gadabas of Jeypore were noted some Mongolian traits,
but observation, as may be seen, was made a f route rather than a posteriori (page 172).
The subject does not seem to have received attention in Mysore and Cochin, perhaps
because it was deemed unnecessary to add to the many troubles of Census operations in
areas where no one has ever yet believed the Mongolian element to be present. If this
is the true explanation it is unfortunate, because the Bombay evidence seems lo warrant
the inference which has been drawn from it, and if it were ascertained that in other
distinctly non-Mongoloid areas these interesting blue patches were found on infants,
either the theory that they are indicators of race would need modification or we should
have to admit that the Mongoloid element in the Indian population is more widespread
than other data permit us to believe.

In the Punjab the enquiries were well managed and have elicited valuable
information. " Mr. Coldstream, Assistant Commissioner, Kullu, reports that the blue
" spot is a well known phenomenon in Lahul and is found equally in pure Tibetans,
" in a mixture of Tibetans and Lahulis, and in pure Lahuli children. The mark,
" he says, is not universal, and he quotes a local belief that if a pregnant woman
" steps over a frying-pan or a hand-mill, her child is born with the blue mark."
Another informant adds the saying that if a pregnant woman steps over the saucepan
her child gets the mark. To the same authority, a Gurkha, noted as an intelligent

[ H8 ] "

1913.] MAN. [Nos. 66-67.

man, remarked that "if a man in his last birth had been an ibex which was hit
" by a bullet, then he will have a blue spot in this birth in that part of the body
" which was hit by the bullet." Enquiries were made in Lahore of a midwife who
had observed 174 cases of children with blue patches. Most children of the Hindus
and Mohammedans alike have these patches on them. She ascribed it to the placenta,
and the Health Officer came to the conclusion that these patches ^re due to the
effect of pressure on the back of the child, due to the method of native women tying
their skirts about the level of the umbilicus. There is usually a knot in front, and
this may at times change its position. This presses against the back of the child
in utere, and is liable to make the part pressed on unduly congested and pigmented.
The lady doctor of the Amritsar Municipal Female Hospital says that two or three
children — not Mongolian — in every hundred have these patches. The Census Super-
intendent observes that his own enquiries show that a blue patch of a regular shape
and of varying size is a very common phenomenon in the province, particularly
among the lower classes. The reason ascribed by the intelligent midwives is this.
If the child is not covered up immediately on birth, the placenta usually drops on
its back, just above the buttocks, and this contact produces a blue patch, which lasts
for a long or a short period according to the length of time for which the placenta
remains touching the body of the child. 10,410 children were examined, of whom
1,807, or 17 per cent., had blue patches, but not one of them was a Mongolian. In
Hoshiarpur, where the castes of the children were recorded, it was found that the
patches were found principally among the lower castes, but even then the percentages
are low, in no case exceeding the general average for the whole province. (Punjab
Census Report, 1911, pp. 442-3.) -

On Car Nicobar Island a number of children were examined by the Census Super-
intendent. Omitting those whose age was uncertain, out of thirty-five no less than
thirty had the mark. (Andaman and Nicobar Islands Census Report, 1911, p. 119.)
The subject is not referred to so far as I have been able to see in the Census
Reports from the Central India Agency or for the North- West Frontier Province.

The final views of the Census authorities on this topic will be of interest, and
it may not be out of place to add the remark that the thorough investigations which
have been made by the orders of the Indian Government into terms of relationship
at the instance of Dr. Rivers ought, when finally available, to yield very important
sociological results. T. C. HODSON.

Japan : Folklore. Hildburgh.

Some Japanese Charms connected with the Preparation and C7

Consumption of Food. By W. L. Hildburgh. Of

Preparation of Food. — The following charms appear to be purely empirical, or
to include some apparently entirely irrational element in a rational setting : —

To remove bitterness from a cucumber, cut a piece from one end, and then, with
a circular motion, rub the two cut surfaces together a few times.

To cause potatoes which are likely to be hard after cooking to become soft in
the boiling, slice them beforehand with a knife held in the left hand.

In cooking a daikon (a kind of large radish), to cause it to become sweet and
delicious, pour upon it of water one cupful (and no more) from the rice-cup of the
head of the household.

The following charms appear to have a more or less rational basis which has
become warped : —

To cause rice to cook evenly and well, set a small tub of water upon the wooden
lid of the rice-kettle ; probably the original idea was merely to keep down the lid so
as to hold the steam in.

No. 67.] MAN. [1913,

In cooking dried fish, to cause the bones to soften place the kettle, after boiling,,
upon the ground (it is the contact with the earth which is the essential part of the
charm) to cool ; then, after seasoning and boiling again, allow the kettle finally to-
cool upon the ground.

To make spoiled sake good and to bring back its lost colour, write the name
Kanzeon (i.e.+Kwannon, the powerful "Goddess of Mercy "), within three concentric
circles upon a piece of paper, and drop this paper into the liquor ; or, according to
another form of the same recipe given elsewhere, write upon the paper Kanzeon
Bosatsu, within a sort of cartouche, followed by a certain set of words. Here the
belief in Kwannon's power has, to the performer, the value of an actual physical
fact.

The following recipes, although given as majinai, appear to have no magical!
element : —

To cure soy which has become mouldy or otherwise spoilt, place a cloth containing
a little dry mustard in the soy.

To cause azuki beans to cook evenly, place a narrow piece of bamboo-skin tied
in a knot with them during the boiling. (This probably merely serves to help to
keep the beans in motion.)

To hasten the clearing of sand from shell-fish taken from the sea, by the usual
process of placing them in fresh water for some time before cooking, put a knife (or
any other iron object) into the fresh water with them.

Consumption of Food. — To remove a fish-bone stuck in the throat, stroke the
throat outside with a piece of ivory. The only explanation I have heard for the
selection of ivory in particular for this purpose is that it is smooth and soft. The
words U no nodo, " Cormorant's throat," if repeated during the stroking add to
the efficacy ; the cormorant is referred to because of its ability to swallow easily the
whole of its fish-food. Some people (although comparatively few, I think), consider
that eating with ivory chopsticks will prevent bones from catching in the throat.

To remove a fish-bone from the throat, write a certain charm with ink in &
sake-cup, dissolve the ink in water, and drink the water. Or, write a certain charm
upon the left hand, and then, pretending that the hand is a cupful of liquid, put it to-
the lips three times as if drinking. Or, drink in water one of the Sanskrit characters-
taken from one of the printed paper charms (a special kind to which many magical
virtues are attributed) sold at the Suitengu shrine and its branches.

To cure choking by food (commonly caused by the hasty consumption of soft
food, especially rice), turn the head first to one side and try then to touch the
shoulder with the tongue, then to the other side and try to touch the other shoulder.
[This procedure appears to be based upon physical rather than magical principles.]
To cure choking by food, make a grimace at the strip of plaster running round
the upper part of the walls of the room ; or, if one happens to be out of doors, at
the plaster coating the walls of a house.

To prevent choking at meals by a person especially subject to it, there is a
very interesting charm in use at Tokyo, and in the district about there, consisting
of a pair of small clay pigeons, to be placed before the person at each meal, and to
each of which a bit of the foods feared are offered by the person, with the
chopsticks, just before he partakes of them.*

There is a curious ceremony which is sometimes performed when a child reaches
about the age of four, which has for its object the securing of strong and healthy teeth
for the child. It is called Tabczome, the first eating, and the child is fed at the time
with a little very soft rice. A table is set for the child, as if a meal is to be taken^

* For a fuller description of this charm, and the pretended arid real explanations of its
efficacy, see "Japanese Household Magic," in Trans. Japan Society ( Lon&oit). 1908.

[ 120 J

1913,]

MAN.

[No, 67-68,

but in the place of the fish commonly present at meals there are two blue stones,
usually four to five inches long, wrapped round with white paper and tied with the
red and gold cord used for fastening gifts. The motions of feeding these stones
to the child, with chopsticks, as if they were actually fish, are then gone through.
In order to secure purity the stones used are taken preferably from a river-bed, and,
before being used, should be hung within the well of the house for about two months
(the longer, the better). After the ceremony the stones are generally kept for some
years by the parents.*

To keep food from disagreeing with a person a maneki neko (a child's toy in
the form of a beckoning cat, to which other, entirely unrelated, magical virtues
are assigned) kept near to the person is, I have been told, sometimes considered
efficacious.

To recognise whether a drink be or be not poisonous, look into the cup
containing it ; if the face be not reflected from the surface the drink should be
regarded with suspicion.

If food be eaten witli chopsticks made of a certain kind of horn (indefinitely
defined to me, but almost certainly rhinoceros horn, to which similar properties
have long been attributed by Oriental and Occidental peoples), any poison which
may be in it will be rendered harmless.

The following majinai, against poisoning by certain foods, appear to have at
least an element of reason in them.

To avoid be poisoned by a melon, when finished eating of it, place three small
pinches of salt upon the tongue.

To avoid being poisoned by praAvns, bite off a little of the skin of the tail of
each, before eating it. W. L. HILDBURGH.

Africa, West. Scott Macfie.

A Yoruba Tattooer. By J. W. Scott Macfie.

In addition to cicatricial tribal marks many of the natives of Ilorin,
Northern Nigeria, have designs tattooed on various parts of their bodies. One day
(May 1912) a Yoruba tattooer
visited my compound, and,
having displayed his skill by
means of rough sketches on a
piece of paper, was commis-
sioned by my " boy " to tattoo
his arm. Whilst he was thus
engaged I took the photograph
which accompanies this note

(Fig- !)•

Seating himself on a stool,

the tattooer gripped the arm of

his subject with his left hand

in such a way as to draw the

skin tightly over the surface

he was about to decorate, then,

holding his knife between the

thumb and the two first fingers pIG< i.

of his right hand, he slowly

traced out the design by means of a close series of short slanting incisions that just

penetrated through the epidermis. Every now and then he paused to dip his hand

* The ceremony is given as reported to me at Kyoto,
C 121 ]

Nos. 68-69.] MAN. [1913.

into a bowl of water and to take up some powdered charcoal, which he rubbed
vigorously into the wounds with his thumb. The subject did not appear to suffer
any pain during the operation. The knife, indeed, was exceedingly sharp, and the
incisions were but slightly deeper than those made in vaccination. A small amount
of blood exuded from the wounds, but not sufficient to wash out the charcoal.

When the design was completed the arm was allowed to dry, and, finally, the
whole area over Avhich the tattooer had worked was smeared with a mixture of
charcoal powder and oil extracted from palm kernels. This application
was continued for some days, the ointment being used four times a day
until the arm was healed.

Tattoo marks imprinted in this manner appear as black lines on a
slightly raised surface. They are, of course, quite inconspicuous against
the dark background of the native's skin, but they are none the less
popular. The commonest sites are the outer aspect of the upper arm,
the sides of the neck, the flexor surface of the forearm, and the face.

The knife (Fig. 2), which was made out of a single piece of steel,
FIG. 2. wa§ 7*5 mm. in length, and consisted of a twisted handle about 4 mm.
long, and a thin, almost square, blade measuring 3 mm. across. The
cutting edge was indented in the middle, thus giving the blade two sharp angles
with which the incisions were made. J. W. SCOTT MACFIE.

Canada: Anthropology. Barbeau.

Indian Tribes of Canada. By C. M. Barbeau. O Q

As the Anthropological Division of the Geological Survey of Canada has UU
been entrusted by the Dominion Government with the study of the Canadian Indians,
one may gain a fair insight into its aims and plans by noting the number of aboriginal
peoples of Canada, and reviewing the data bearing upon their anthropology that have
been recorded up to September 1912.

In 1910, the total of the aboriginal population of Canada was estimated by the
Department of Indian Affairs at 110,000, 25,149 of whom were located in British
Columbia, 22,565 in Ontario, about 16,000 in the North West Territories, 11,874 in
Quebec, 9,155 in Alberta, 8,990 in Saskatchewan, and 12,908 in Manitoba, Yukon,
Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, and Prince Edward Island.

Although only 7,682 are explicitly referred to in the Census of the Indian
Affairs Department as Eskimos, it is more than likely that the number of Canadian
Eskimos exceeds that figure.

The Indians of the Eastern Woodlands — that is, Nova Scotia, New Brunswick,
Quebec, and Ontario — fall into two highly ramified linguistic stocks : the Algonkin
and the Iroquoian. The Algonkin-speaking people are split up into several groups :
the Micmacs of Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, and Prince Edward Island (about
4>500), the Nascopies of the interior of Labrador, the Malecites of New Brunswick
and Quebec, the Montagnais of Northern Quebec, the Abenakis and Algonquin
proper of Quebec, the several thousand Pottawatomies, Delawares, Ottawas, and
Ojibways of Ontario and Manitoba ; and, finally, the Eastern Crees of Northern
Ontario and Quebec. The 11,000 Iroquoian-speaking people are divided into two
groups : the Hurons or Wyandots (barely 400 of whom are still to be found in
Canada), and the Iroquois proper, that is, the Mohawks, Oneidas, Ouondagas,
Cayugas, Senecas, and Tuscaroras.

The Plains Indians are represented in Manitoba, Saskatcnewan, and Alberta by
over 1,000 Sarcees, Sioux, Assiniboines, and about 2,400 Western Algonkins : the
Blackfoot, Bloods, and Peigans.

[ 122 ]

1913.] MAN. [No. 69.

The 25,000 aborigines of British Columbia belong to several ethnic groups :
7,230 are described by the Census of 1910 as North West Coast Indians (Haida,
Tsimshian, Kwakiutl, and Nootka), and over 9,000 as Salish of the Coast and Interior
of British Columbia. No less than 18,000 to 20,000 natives speaking various Atha-
pascan dialects inhabit the Plateau of British Columbia, the Yukon district, and the
Mackenzie River basin. These comparatively unknown Athapascan tribes are the
Chilcotin, Babine, Carrier, Tahltan, Kutchin, Dog Ribs, Chipewyan, Slaves, Beavers,
Yellow Knives, and Loucheux. A considerable number of Western Crees also inhabit
the same region.

The miscellaneous literature bearing upon the Canadian Indians is prolific, and
its bibliography — in course of preparation — already covers about 2,000 items. The
list of monographs drawn by experts and of other valuable ethnographic contribu-
tions, however, is comparatively small, and hardly any tribe may boast of a fairly
complete record of the various aspects of its anthropology.

Let us survey, at a glance, the evidence now at hand in the respective fields of
ethnography, physical anthropology, and archaeology. The North West Coast tribes
have enjoyed a privileged share in the attention of explorers and ethnographers,
while their neighbours, the Athapascan of the Plateau and the Mackenzie River basin
have been sadly neglected. The early explorers and traders, British, Russian, and
Spanish, have left many valuable and extensive descriptions of their experiences
among the natives of the Coast. The many chapters in Captain Cook's Voyage
Round the World are still almost unsurpassed in quality ; and no careful ethnologist
should ignore the large body of data contained in the memoirs and journals of
Meares, Dixou, Holmberg, Macfie, Poole, Dean, Jewitt, Sproat, Duncan and Maine,
Swan, and others.

About 1875, the study of the North West Coast tribes received a new stimulus
through the sound researches of G. M. Dawson, of the Geological Survey of Canada.
Soon after, the British Association for the Advancement of Science, the Bureau of
Ethnology, the United States National Museum, and later, the Jesup North Pacific
Expedition, came forth with an imposing series of extensive publications due prin-
cipally to the successful investigations of Niblack, Boas, Hill Tout, S\vanton, Teit,
and others. The ten or twelve reports to the British Association, meant as a "recon-
naissance " and superficial survey of the whole field, were soon followed by the more
extensive and elaborate publications of the Jesup Expedition, which complied with the
evident need of a more intensive study of each tribe. Imposing as may be this array
of ethnographic materials, we should not forget that it is anything but adequate, in
most cases. So important tribes as the Nootka, the Tsimshian, the Bella Coola, the
Bella Bella, and some of the Coast Salish tribes have been neglected on the whole.
Notwithstanding their indefatigable and fruitful efforts, Boas and Swauton have not
had the opportunity of exhausting the ethnographic resources of the Kwakiutl and
the Haida, and, no doubt, an ample supply of new and interesting facts is still
forthcoming. We know of but two lists of clans, the geographical distribution of
which has been traced through several Tlingit and Haida villages, those by Dawson
and Swanton. Yet nothing short of a thorough mapping out of the geographic
distribution of the clans and crests, the census of their membership, a vast col-
lection of individual names belonging to each clan, a large series of instances
illustrating the historical connection between the myth of origin of powers, the
manitou, the crest and the mask, the dramatic performance of the myth, and their
definite association with a clan, family, or society, are essential for a thorough under-
standing of the remarkable totemic institutions of the Pacific Coast. The complex
system of dual inheritance through either the father or the mother prevailing among
the Kwakiutl and the Nootha could only be solved by a fairly complete and

r 123 ]

tfo. 69.] MAN. [1913.

analytical study of what privileges devolve either through the father or the mother,
and the circumstances of the interested parties. Mr. E. Sapir's recent investigations
among the Nootkas of Alberni allow him soundly to anticipate that their customs, in
this respect, Avere far more rigid and restrictive than previous observers had supposed.
Many of the most important rituals of the North West Coast tribes, as the " first fruits "
of thanksgiving, the fishing, the hunting and potlatch rituals have often been but
incidentally mentioned, and we are aware of conspicuous lacunae in the collection of
song records, photographs, and ethno-botanic materials.

The many Athapascan tribes of the Plateau and Mackenzie have not been as
fortunate, from an ethnographic standpoint, as their western neighbours, and the
explorers, early missionaries, and ethnographers have almost overlooked them. Father
Morice, Father Jette, and Mr. Hill Tout, at this late day seem to be the pioneers in this
vast field of research ; and so little is known of some of the northern tribes that it
is not yet easy to find a good classificatory list of the Athapascan or Dene of Alaska
and the Yukon district, and of their dialects.

The Arctic explorers for a long time in contact with the Eskimo, have left
bulky documents of their miscellaneous observations, under the form of memoirs and
reports. The Greenland and Alaskan Eskimo have received the best share of the
attention of anthropologists and scientific bodies, Danish or American, while the
Central Eskimo have been studied by several explorers, and more satisfactorily by
Mr. Boas ; hardly anything is known of the Mackenzie Eskimo ; their technology
even is very inadequately represented in museums.

It is not without surprise and regret that one realizes how little is known of
the culture of the Eastern tribes of Cauada, notwithstanding their accessibility and
their constant association, for centuries, with the white settlers. In a few cases, for
instance that of the Beothuk of Newfoundland, they have vanished out of existence
without leaving any trace whatever. The well-known Hurons, estimated at 20,000 to
30,000 by the early missionaries, are now represented by but a few hundred half-breeds,
all but a few of whom are thoroughly ignorant of their native language and traditions.
What do we know of the numerous Montagnais of Northern Quebec ? The Nascopies
of Labrador have as yet furnished but a short report by L. M. Turner, and but little of
real value is to be found on the Micmacs, the Malecites, the Abenakis, the Algonquin
proper, the Ottawas, the Delawares, the Pottawatomies, the Mississagas, and others.
The Eastern Crees have been a trifle more fortunate, the American Museum of Natural
History having lately published a report based upon the observations of Mr. A. Skinner,
collected in the course of a trip. . . . Many of these cultures have now almost
vanished, and but scanty vestiges of their past may still be recovered.

Let us dwell a moment upon the O jib ways, the Iroquois and the Hurons.
Although the bibliography of the literature on the Ojibways and the Iroquois embrace
a good many titles, in the nature of articles, assays, historical sketches by some natives
or occasional enthusiasts, and several technical reports, it may be safely stated that but
a small portion of their imposing culture has yet been reduced into terms of documen-
tary evidence. Copway, Schoolcraft, Hoffman, Jones, Miss Densmore, and others have
published much of real value on the heroic narratives, the myths and legends, the
rituals, pictographs, language, and music of the Ojibways. These results, however,
may be considered anything but exhaustive, as the Ojibways are numerous and
scattered over a vast territory around the Great Lakes.

The Five Nations of the Iroquois league are already well-known to anthropologists,
through the works of Morgan, Hale, Hewitt, Mrs. Converse, Parker, Beauchamp,
Erminnie A. Smith, and Harrington. But, as in the case of the Ojibways, the field
is still full of promise, and several specialists may still long be engaged at the fruitful
study of this highly complex culture. As the observations of many of the best-known

[ 124 ]

1913J MAN. [No. 69.

authorities on the Iroquois have been frequently confined to those of the State of New
York, the 10,000 Canadian Iroquois should yield ranch new material. Taken altogether,
many aspects of this culture are comparatively unknown in literature ; for instance,
how many of their numerous and extensive myths, legends, and heroic adventures have
been written down in text form, as they should undoubtedly be ? How many of their
several annual feasts, of the thousands of ritual and lyric songs, and of the almost
endless lists of totemic individual names belonging to each clan have yet been fully
recorded ? Mr. J. N. B. Hewitt, it is true, has taken down a large amount of
texts, principally with Chief John Gibson, of Grand River, Ontario ; but it is to be
regretted that only a small portion of this valuable material has found its way to
the publisher.

Probably no Indian tribe, about 1650, had received so much attention in literature
as the .Hurons, of Ontario. Champlain's memoirs, Sagard's history, and, first of all,
the Jesuit Relations, constitute a precious mine of information, although far beneath the
requirements of modern ethnology. Hardly anything has been added since to these
early data, and so little is known of the scattered remnants of that nation that
Father Jones, their life-long historian, could state erroneously, in his voluminous
Htiroitia, that the Huron language has now been extinct for over fifty years, and the
recent Handbook of North American Indians, summing up the documentary evidence,
could give but a very incorrect list of the clans, including some that have never
been known to exist and omitting others still represented in one section of the
tribe.

Archaeological work and research in the physical anthropology of the Canadian
natives have, in the past, made but little progress. Local archaeological societies, as
a matter of fact, have, at different times, been organized, and a number of amateurs
have taken great pains to disturb archasological sites, indiscriminately gathering loads
of relics, but all this with more detriment than real profit. Mr. Harlan I. Smith's
work in British Columbia, for the Jesup Expedition, some pioneer work of Mr. Mont-
gomery and Mr. Bryce in Manitoba, the investigations of C. F. Tache, F. Hunter,
and chiefly of Mr. David Boyle and his assistants, for the Provincial Museum of
Toronto, constitute the sum total of profitable contributions to the archa3ological history
of Canada.

Besides a number of museum measurements on Eskimo skulls, the only valuable
accessions to the physical anthropology of the Canadian Indians are the anthropometric
statistics of Mr. F. Boas on the Kwakiutl, and a study on the Iroquoian skulls of the
Normal School Museum of Toronto by Mr. David Boyle.

As the members of this Society remember well, the Resolution voted by the
British Association at Winnipeg in 1909, and addressed to the Canadian Government,
received immediate consideration ; and, as a result, an Anthropological Division was
established in the Geological Survey in order to cope with the urgent needs and problems
of Canadian anthropology as above described.

Mr. Edward Sapir, of the University of Pennsylvania, was appointed, in the
summer of 1910, as chief of the new Division, and in January, 1911, Mr. C. M. Barbeau
as assistant. In the following summer, Mr. Harlan I. Smith, of the American Museum
of Natural History of New York, received an appointment as archaeologist ; and it is
anticipated that the position of physical anthropologist will soon be created in the
Division.

The appointment of this permanent staff is in conformity with the accepted
view that the new section should constitute a unit subdivided into three branches,
ethnological, archaeological, and anthropological proper.

Its functions consist in the threefold activities of field research, museum, and
lecture work. In carrying out a rather ambitious plan of field research, the members

[ 125 ]

No. 69.] MAN. [1913.

of the permanent staff are being assisted by several anthropologists, temporarily
engaged by the Division to carry out some special lines of investigations.

The nature of museum and office activities are, of course, bound to vary according
to circumstances. It has been considered urgent, for obvious reasons, to proceed at
once on the gradual preparation of a general and extensive bibliography of the
literature on Canadian ethnography and ethnology, archaeology and physical anthro-
pology. A time-consuming task has been that of sorting according to tribes, with
mention of the available data, the 7,000 or 8,000 ethnographic specimens, and a still
larger archaeological collection, already in storage at the Museum, and intended for
permanent exhibition in the spacious halls of the new Victoria Memorial Museum.
This valuable collection, originated about 1880 by G. M. Dawson, has since been
considerably supplemented by the successive directors of the Geological Survey. The
several thousand excellent specimens from the Pacific Coast, the largest part of
which has been assembled by Powell, Dawson, and C. F. Newcombe, with notable
additions due to Boas, Hill Tout, and Aarouson, constitute one of the best Pacific
Coast collections in existence. Some 800 specimens collected years ago by Mercier
illustrate very satisfactorily the technology of the Alaskan Eskimos, while over 800
objects, for which the Museum is indebted to Mr. A. P. Low and Captain Comer,
pertain to the Labrador and Hudson Bay Eskimo. The other tribes of Canada,
notably those of the Eastern Woodlands, were not at all represented at the Museum.
and but a small number of Salish, Athapascan, and Plains exhibits had been
purchased.

Since its inception, the Anthropological Division, under the able leadership of
Mr. Sapir, has in earnest assumed the task of rounding up the collection and of
making it, as much as possible, illustrative of the various aspects of the technology
and material culture of every Canadian tribe. Over 1,500 ethnographic specimens
have, with this purpose, recently been acquired through the initiative of the members
of the staff, or otherwise purchased. The Iroquois and Huron material, collected
mainly by Mr. Sapir and Mi-. Barbeau, now covers over 1,000 objects. A number
of phonographic records of Indian songs and speech, and of photographs, are now
in the possession of the Museum, and 700 or 800 ritual and lyric Indian songs re-
corded among the Nootka, Thompson River, Tahltan, Huron, Cayuga, Ojibway, and
Malecite tribes, exemplify quite extensively several types of music, the analytical
study of which is bound to be interesting.

With regard to museum archaeological work, Mr. Smith, recently assisted by
Mr. W. J. Wintemberg, of Toronto, has for several months been engaged on sorting
and preparing for exhibition the comparatively large archaeological collection from
British Columbia and Ontario, for many years in the possession of the Museum.
Mr. Smith and Mr. Wintemberg are now engaged at some interesting archaeological
research near Spencerville, Ontario.

Mr. F. II. S. Knowles, of Oxford University, has now been busy for several
months on the Iroquois Reservation at Tuscarora, Ontario, in the interests of physical
anthropology. His anthropometric survey of the Iroquois is intended as a preliminary
step towards the establishment of a permanent position of physical anthropologist in
the Anthropological Division, and as the first of a series of similar studies on other
Canadian tribes.

Jt may be added, as a last remark, that the ethnographic field work of the
permanent and temporary staff seem to have been pursued, so far, in fortunate circum-
stances, and accompanied with very interesting results, later to be published as reports.
Immediately after his appointment in the autumn of 1910, Mr. Sapir spent three
months among the Nootka of Alberni Canal, Vancouver Island, studying the Nootka
language and taking down mythological texts, together with notes on rituals, secret

[ 126 ]

1913.] MAN. [Nos. 69-70.

societies, and laws of inheritance. As most of his time since has been consumed by
administrative work, it is unfortunate that Mr. Sapir has not yet been able to resume
his Nootka researches which, it is hoped, he will be able to do shortly. In the
course of a flying trip over several Eastern Reservations, Mr. Sapir has, incidentally,
had the opportunity of studying the phonetic systems of several Algonkin and Iroquois
dialects. Mr. Barbeau's study of the Hurons of Lorette (Quebec), Anderdou (Ontario),
and Wyandotte (Oklahoma), is now complete after seven months field research during
the summers of 1911 and 1912. The abundant materials, secured in the course of
this investigation, represent extensively the various aspects of their ethnology. While
in Oklahoma, Mr. Barbeau has also taken up the study of several Cayuga rituals and
and feasts, especially with a view to understanding more fully the corresponding rituals
of their kin and neighbours, the Wyandots or Hurons. The two distinct sets of
Wyaudot and Cayuga ritual songs recorded on the phonograph exceed 400 numbers
or stanzas. On the occasion of the passage at Ottawa, in January 1912, of several
Shuswap, Lillooet, and Thompson River chiefs from British Columbia, Mr. Barbeau
noted down, in the course of a fortnight, interesting information on the " visions,''
" dreams," and the mauitous of the Thompson River Indians, with about thirty-five
accompanying " vision " and dancing songs, also recorded on the phonograph. Mr. A. A.
Goldenweiser and Mr. Paul Radin, of Columbia University, have joined the Anthro-
pological Division on temporary engagements. Mr. Goldenweiser has undertaken
with success a thorough study of the social morphology and religion of the Iroquois
of Ontario, especially from a " totemic " standpoint. Mr. Radin during the past few
months has been at work on the Ojibway language, social organization and mythology,
transcribing industriously a number .of long mythological texts. Mr. Cyrus MacMillan,
of McGill University, and Mr. W. H. Mechling have, during several months in 1911-12,
compiled data on the Micmac and Malecite folk-lore and other aspects of the New
Brunswick and Nova Scotia aborigines. Mr. F. W. Waugh, of Toronto, is now
pursuing with remarkable results a complete survey of the technology, material culture,
and ethno-botany of the Iroquois of Ontario and Quebec. And Mr. James A. Teit,
from Spences Bridge, B.C., has agreed soon to extend his researches to some
Athapascan tribes of the Plateau of British Columbia for the benefit of the Division.
It is gratifying to note that the members of both permanent and temporary staff
reveal great enthusiasm and energy in their respective fields, which seems a fair omen
for the ultimate prosperity and success of the Anthropological Division.

C. M. BARBEAU.

REVIEWS.
America, South. Hardenburgr.

The Putumayu, the Devil's Paradise. By W. E. Hardenburg. Fisher Tft
Uuwin. I U

"A whole race of men," wrote Martins, "is wasting away before the eyes of
" the world, and no power of philosophy or Christianity can arrest its proudly
" gloomy progress towards a certain and utter extinction. The present and future
" condition of this race of men is a monstrous and tragical drama, such as no fiction
" of the past ever yet presented to our contemplation."

A few Amazonian tribes, such as the Musu and Chiquito, have settled doAvn
to an agricultural life, but the vast majority will continue to range over the
primeval forests as hunters or fishers until they are exterminated by " civilisation."
The greed for gold has been the cause of atrocious cruelties quite* equal to religious
intolerance or the fear of witchcraft. The natives of South America have suffered
torture and death when unable to satisfy that greed, since the Spaniards first arrived.
Yet there is a wide difference between the Conquistadores and the loathsome fiends

[ 127 ]

No. 70.] MAN. [1913.

who recently committed those horrible atrocities on the Putumayu. At least the
Conquistadores were heroic in their valour and their endurance, many were influenced
by religions motives as well as by the thirst for riches, while some — more than is
generally believed — were humane and merciful. The Putumayu ruffian is the vilest
conceivable type of humanity.

Here was the greed for gold in an exceptionally horrible form, but these noble
Amazonian Indians have for centuries been exposed to pillage and slavery in a less
monstrous form, and tribes are fast diminishing in numbers and disappearing. We
may welcome the missionary boat now traversing the lower reaches of some of the
rivers, because it will ensure publicity, and the crimes can no longer be concealed.
The curse of "civilisation" will inevitably cause the extinction of the Amazonian
tribes, yet it is very desirable that their free forest life should be prolonged. Vast
areas of the regions over which they wander are flooded for so long that it will be
centuries before they can be used for cultivation. The danger of the Indians lies in
the demand for indiarubber, and in their forced employment, a slavery which leads
to extermination, and very rapidly. The Indians are equal 1o their enemies with
anything like the same numbers, even with inferior weapons, but they are usually
captured by surprise or treachery.

In 1870 the present writer came to the conclusion that it was necessary to bring
the indiarubber -yielding trees under cultivation. He also foresaw the ill-treatment
of the Indians as the demand increased ; and he hoped that successful cultivation
might reduce the profit from the wild trees. He introduced the three kinds, Hevea,
Castilloa, and Manihot Glaziovii into Ceylon and Burma, but it was several years
before planters took up the cultivation in Ceylon .and the Malay Peninsula, and it is
to be feared that it will be very long before the Amazon trade is affected. The only
hope is in missionary effort, and in the trade getting into the hands of respectable
and humane adventurers. There are some even now.

The special region to which the writer of the book under review refers is the
basin of the River Putumayu. This river and its tribuaries rise in the mountains
of Colombia. The Peruvians have forcibly seized the region, but their title is not
undisputed. This country was undoubtedly included in the old Viceroyalty of New
Granada, to which the present Republic of Colombia succeeded. The boundaries of
South American Republics have been settled in accordance with the uti possidetis of
1810. But it appears that in that year the Spanish Government drafted a decree by
which the basin of the Putumayu and of some other rivers north of the Amazon were
handed over to the Viceroy of Peru. The Colombians maintain that this decree was
never carried out, and was, therefore, invalid. The Peruvians, of course, maintain its
validity. The Colombians hold the upper courses, while the Peruvians have seized
the navigable parts. It is a question which is admirably adapted for arbitration.

The treatment of natives ought to be the final test. The tribe within the country
occupied by Colombia is called Cioni. Mr. Hardenburg gives a very interesting account
of these Cioni. They are treated with justice and indulgence, and are peaceful and
contented. It is a very different story in the region occupied by the Peruvians ; a
system of brigandage, torture, and murder prevailed. The once numerous tribes of
Huitoto and Bora numbered over 30,000, but they were split up into clans and
families and became an easy prey. The infamous invaders, armed with Winchester
rifles, very soon reduced their numbers from 30,000 to 10,000, and the hideous story
related by Mr. Hardenburg, the truth of which is confirmed by Sir Roger Casement
and his colleagues, has now been laid bare.

The remedy is hard to find. The Governments whose subjects are deriving profits
from this horrible system of forced labour are not likely to take active preventive
steps. Intervention is not possible, and if it were it would not be adopted. England

[ 128 ]

1913.] MAN. [Nos. 70-71.

is the only country that has ever made sacrifices for the suppression of slavery. The
only hope is in publicity, the measures which will prevent these atrocities from being
committed secretly. We must wish all possible success to the steps already taken,
with this end, by the Evangelical Union of South America. C. R., M.

Religion. Harrison.

Themis. By J. E. Harrison. "14

Miss Harrison has already done much to illuminate the origins of Greek I I
religion, and in Themis she shows her wonted learning and ingenuity. Taking
as her text the " Hymn of the Kouretes " found at Palaikastro in Crete, she leads us
from the communal rites of savages, the world of mana and magic, to the civilized
realm of the Olympian deities. We see, first, the tribal rite, which knows no godr
but seeks to promote fertility by magical means. Then the magic rite becomes
vaguely theistic ; the tribe shrinks to a band of initiates worshipping a spirit who ia
at first a mere projection of themselves, the Megistos Kouros of the Hymn. Then
we watch this spirit assuming many forms, now animal, now human ; now an infant,
now adult ; now male, now female ; till at last he (or they, for the varieties become
stereotyped as individuals) is absorbed in the Olympian Pantheon of personal anthro-
pomorphic duties. Here he survives in many shapes. Sometimes he preserves his
individuality, as Agathos Daimon, or Agathe Tyche ; sometimes he is almost, but
not quite, transformed into a true Olympian, as in the case of Dionysus or Herakles ;
sometimes he survives only as a bye-form of a greater god, as in Apollo Aguieus ;
sometimes he degenerates into an attendant animal, or is discovered only in some
curious piece of ritual. But under all disguises he is distinguished by two essential
characteristics ; he is not immortal, but periodically reincarnated, and he is not the-
recipient of gift sacrifices, but is himself eaten sacramentally by his worshippers.
Moreover, he is, owiug to his origin, usually associated with a thiasos of divine
attendants (once human), and is essentially associated with the production of fertility.
But these latter features are often obscured. In developing this thesis, which is
inevitably disfigured by so brief a summary, Miss Harrison has light to throw on
every part of Greek Religion. There is hardly a god, or festival, or rite of any
importance left untouched.

It is a fascinating story, and in a measure carries conviction. We can hardly
doubt that some such rites as are described played a part in the formation of Greek
religion and left manifest traces upon it. But when we come to particular applications,
conviction wavers. We are constantly inclined to say, " it may have been so,"
rather than "it was." It is disquieting, in the first place, to find that our communal
deity, or Euiautos Daimon, is as ubiquitous as our old friend the Vegetation Spirit.
And when we come to the evidence this doubt is often strengthened. In a work
that covers so much ground detailed discussion of evidence is doubtless impossible^
but the use here made of it often appears at the least uncritical. We have only
space for one or two instances. The writer contends (pp. 72, 73) that Kratos
(Power), as mentioned in Hesiod (Theogoany, 383), is the thunderbolt, and adduces
in evidence two passages, one from Sophocles, which speaks of Zeus as " wielding
" the powers (/cpar^) of the lightning," and the other from the Roman Cornutus.
which speaks of the power " which Zeus holds in his right hand." It is obvious that
neither of these passages proves that Kpdros to Hesiod, or any Greek, by itself suggested
the thunderbolt. And the passage in Hesiod is still less conclusive. In it we hear
that Styx brought forth " Envy and Victory, Power (updros) and Force." Mis<
Harrison, quite reasonably, tells us that in Hesiod we have *' flotsam and jetsam
" of earlier ages, weltering up unawares from subconscious depths." But who
without powers of divination can detect in a case like this the precious flotsam

[ 129 ]

No. 71.] MAN. [1913,

from the later abstractions which surround it ? And " subconscious " memories
like this figure somewhat frequently in the evidence, and provoke suspicion. For
if an author, when his evidence is useful, can be made " subconsciously " to remember
a primitive belief, and when it is inconvenient, can be dismissed as late and sophis-
ticated, it is clear that we can prove anything. And again, two pages further on,
when discussing the primitive idea of magic, we are given a definition of /uayem
from the " Platonic " Alcibiades. But the mageia there mentioned is definitely
stated to be the teaching of the Persian Magi, and it is obvious that no valid in-
ference can be drawn from Zoroastrianism to the primitive conception of magic ;
though the word "magic" happens to be derived from p.dyos. It is fair to say
that here and elsewhere the writer has other and stronger evidence for her con-
tentions, but the use of such evidence as this merely weakens the case, and leaves
the reader with a feeling of insecurity. One cannot help contrasting such methods
with the cautious work of a scholar like Dr. Warde Fowler in his treatment of
Roman religion.

And the student of classical literature will be struck by another point. He is
constantly coming to statements that this or that rite or deity is "only" the primi-
tive thing from which it is descended. The only possible reply to this statement is
that it is false. To say that Apollo Aguieus is the phallic pillar which once did
•duty as his image is like saying that the Zeus of Phidias is the unshaped stone,
which was once worshipped in his place. In the religion of classical times the primi-
tive no doubt survives, but it survives in an alien world where most things are new
and of different origin. This Miss Harrison herself recognizes ; in fact, she often
points the contrast. She has a personal animosity against the Olympians. She loves
the " older and deeper things " of the primitive cults, and pours scorn on the Immortals
who idle in Olympus and receive unearned gift sacrifices ; unlike the primitive god,
who is always busy reincarnating himself and being eaten by his worshippers. But
in her desire to find the noble savage everywhere she often forgets tue gap between
him and the later Greek. That the later religion preserves many traces of the
primitive no one nowadays will doubt. The knowledge of these is essential, and it
is the great service of Miss Harrison that she calls our attention to them. But at
best this knowledge does not carry us far. All savages are much alike, but the
Greeks of classical times are unique, and the problem of chief interest, in religion as
in other matters, is how the one was transformed into the other. Phrases such as
those quoted are misleading, for they suggest, though perhaps unintentionally, that the
problem is solved, when it is in fact only raised.

Another favourite phrase is open to similar objection. Such and such a thing,
usually something primitive, is said to be the " real " meaning of a rite or myth.
But, unless Miss Harrison is prepared to maintain the objective existence of the
Greek deities, it is clear that they and their rites at any given time are just what
their worshippers believe them to be, and no more. ' What they once meant to other
worshippers, though historically interesting, is irrelevant, unless it can be shown that
it was still alive in men's minds. To speak of " real " meanings, therefore, either
implies confusion of thought or suggests an illegitimate inference. No doubt primitive
beliefs were in some cases alive and real in later Greece, much more so than the literary
tradition would suggest. Modern writers and Miss Harrison not least have shown us
how one-sided and deceptive that tradition is. But it is most important to distinguish
clearly between living beliefs and practices not represented by literature, and mere
" survivals " clinging to the later religion, but virtually dead. This is no doubt difficult,
but unless we do it, Greek religion becomes a phantasmagoria in which everything is
something else, or rather everything else at the same time. This is, in fact, some-
what the picture left upon the mind by the book.

[ 130 J

1913.] MAN. [Ncs, 71-72.

It would be unfair to criticise particular applications of the theory, for the
•argument, being cumulative, cannot well be summarized ; but we may note its
application to Tragedy and the Olympian Games, which are treated in separate
chapters by Dr. Murray and Mr. Cornford respectively. A leading part in the
development of both institutions is assigned to the rites of the Euiautos Daimon.
We may concede that they played a partf for nearly everything in Greek religion
is of composite origin, but most readers will feel that the case is overstated. The
•evidence for the connection of athletic contests with funeral rites is so abundant, that
it is hard to believe that the Games of Greece have no connection with the dead.
And in any case the argument contains something like the fallacy already noted.
Even if it can be proved that Pelops and other " heroes " were originally not dead
chiefs, but forms of the Euiautos Daimon, they were still " heroes," i.e., a special
•class of dead men, to the historical Greek, and the games were therefore virtually
held in honour of the dead.

And in the Tragedy the argument is far from conclusive. It is significant that
Dr. Murray has to look to Euripides for his closest parallel to the rites of the
Euiautos Daimon. That Euripides of all men should have been " working under
'" the spell of a set traditional form," that he should have turned back to a tradition
from which his predecessors had broken loose, is a startling suggestion from so
eminent a scholar. Some of the parallels are close, we admit, but the fact that they
are found in Euripides (except, of course, in the Bacchce, which stands apart) is
•evidence against the interpretation put upon them. There is another, and simpler,
•explanation of the phenomenon, but it would not commend itself to Dr. Murray.
Nor, we fear, will many be convinced by the ingenious attempt to remove an obvious
difficulty, the fact that in Tragedy the peripeteia is from joy to sadness, while in
the rites of the Daimon it is from sadness to joy. F. R. EARP.

Anthropology. Haddon : Quiggin.

History of Anthropology. By A. C. Haddon and A. H. Quiggin. Watts "I A
<fc Co.,. 1910. Pp. v +155. 1*. net, IL

This little book consists of a series of chapters on the chief topics of anthro-
pology each treated chronologically. It would perhaps be more correctly described
as a collection of material for a history rather than a history itself, as there is no
attempt at a connected narrative, except in the two first chapters on the Pioneers
and Systematisers of Physical Anthropology which give an interesting account of
the origin and rise of anthropological inquiry.

The authors explain that the arrangement of subjects is based on a syllabus
drawn up by the University of London, in which anthropology is divided into two
main groups — physical and cultural. The subdivisions under these heads form a
galaxy of " ologies " ; there are nearly a dozen of them, the only subject escaping
being language, which figures as linguistic : one almost wonders why it did not come
into line as phonology !

Following the two first chapters before mentioned are those on Anthropological
Controversies, Antiquity of Man, Psychology, Classification and Distribution of Man.
That only two short chapters should be devoted to such important subjects as
archaeology and ethnology points to some lack of proportion, though it must be
admitted that the authors have managed to compress a large amount of information
into a small space. Technology, Sociology, and Language each claim a chapter, and
the last is entitled Cultural Classification and the Influence of Environment, in which
the work of Gallatin, the Humboldts, Bodin, Buffon, Buckle, and Le Placy are
quoted.

[ 131

Nos. 72-73.] MAN. [1913,

The time has, perhaps, not yet arrived when a really satisfactory history of
anthropology in its broadest sense is possible. But when it does it may be surmised
that such a history will rest on some broad evolutionary principle, by which the
general progress of discovery and knowledge can be easily seen and grasped, and the-
exposition presented in a truly narrative form.

The text is graced by portraits of Tylor, Blumenbach, Broca, Bastian, and
Pritchard ; one would have liked to have seen these balanced by a few pioneers of
the New World. In fact the authors have hardly given the New World the attention
it deserves in a general review of the whole science of anthropology.

A bibliography and an index of authors are added.

It is a pity the bibliography, so important and useful in a work of this kindr
ia not fuller and more equal. For instance, it contains no reference to such authors
as Tylor, Huxley, Lubbock, Herbert Spencer, A. H. Keane, Topinard, Peschel,,
Nadaillac, although room is found for Grant Allen, A. B. Gomme, E. Clodd, and
A. R. Wallace.

The book is well printed on good paper and is well and tastefully bound. It is,,
in fact, a marvel of cheapness. E. A. PARKYN.

Burgundy : Archaeology. Dechelette.

La Collection Millon ; Antiquites prehistoriques et Gallo-Romaines. By
Joseph Dechelette, Correspondant de L'Institut, avec la collaboration de MM.
1'Abbe Parat, le Dr. Brulard, Pierre Bouillerot et C. Drioton. Librairie Paul
Geuthner, Paris, 1913.

Archaeologists are sometimes apt to abuse the collector as one who keeps for
himself what should be accessible to the public in museums. They forget, however,
that but for collectors many of the most interesting relics of antiquity would have
disappeared, or would have reached our museums only to be labelled " provenance
unknown." Still the accumulation of a vast am'ount of important material in private
collections has grave disadvantages, for though the owners of such treasures are usually
most hospitable to all real students, the investigator finds his work more than double
what it would be were all important archaaological " finds " exhibited in the
neighbourhood of their discovery.

One step the private collector may take to diminish the inconvenience inseparable
from such private possession, and that is to issue to the public a full catalogue, well
illustrated, of all his treasures. This has recently been done by M. Millon, who has
an unrivalled collection of Burgundiaii objects, and perhaps his example will be
followed by others similarly placed.

M. Millon has spent a busy life, having occupied in succession several important
administrative and judicial posts in Burgundy ; nevertheless he has found time to-
accumulate a vast collection of objects from the Palaeolithic Age to the Roman Period
and to conduct not a few explorations on Early Iron Age sites in the province to
which he belongs. The catalogue under review is really a dissertation upon the
antiquities of this region as illustrated by the Millon Collection, and the thoroughness
with which it has been done is not surprising when we find that it has been compiled
under the editorship of M. Joseph Dechelette.

MM. 1'Abbe Parat and le Docteur Boulard have written the account of the Stone
Ages, chiefly illustrated from implements found in the Foret d'Othe, while the Bronze
Age has been treated by M. Pierre Bouillerot. The detailed descriptions of the exca-
vations of cemeteries of the Hallstadt and La Tene Periods are, however, the most
important, and these are by MM. Bouillerot, Dechelette and Clement Drioton.

It is impossible within the limits of a short review to deal with the vast array of
facts produced, but the volume serves to emphasize the importance of Burgundy as

[ 132 ]

1913.] MAN. [No. 73-74.

the first home in France of both types of Iron Age culture, as might have been expected
from its nearness to the Belfort gap. Those who are dealing with th,e course of
migrations through France, especially during the later phases of the Bronze Age and
during the Early Iron Age, will find this work indispensable, and all archaeologists
should feel grateful to M. Millon for allowing his collection to be so admirably
described. HAROLD PEAKE.

Africa, East : Linguistics. Westermann.

The Shilluk People, their Language and Folklore* By Diedrich Wester- Tlj
mann. 1912. IT

This is probably the most important book that has appeared in recent years
on the negroid inhabitants of the Sudan. It is, however, necessary to remember that
it is written by one of the first of African philologists as a serious contribution to
African linguistics, and that in spite of the title that appears upon its cover, it does
not deal, except incidentally, with the ethnology of the tribe. As a matter of fact
an introduction of some forty pages is devoted to a general sketch of the history and
mode of life of the Shilluk, the remarks on religion being the most valuable, while
the account of the Fung included in this section, though brief, is the most important
contribution to their history that has yet appeared. It has been necessary to lay
some emphasis on the plan and purpose of the book, for when this is realised, the
reader ceases to be irritated by the fragmentary nature of the intensely interesting
information with which the volume is loaded ; nay, he accepts it gratefully, wondering
•only that no attempt has been made to provide a thread of explanation upon which
the beads of fact given in the native texts, and their translations might have been
strung. The first part of the book proper begins with a sketch map by Herr
Bernhard Struck, showing the languages spoken by the tribes of the Sudan and the
neighbouring parts of Uganda and British East Africa ; arrows indicate the probable
migrations of the tribes speaking Shilluk dialects, which include Anuak, Jur, Dembo,
Belanda, Ber (Beri), Gang, Nyifwa (Ja Luo), Laugo, Alum, Chopi, and perhaps
Gaya (east shore of Lake Victoria Nyanza), and Jafulu (north-east of Lake Albert,
Nyanza). A study of the phonetics of the language makes it clear that great
importance is attached to tones, of which three are recognised, examples being given
of words which are true homophones, and distinguished only by tone. Moreover,
grammatical functions may be expressed by tone, singular and plural often being
so denoted, while a high tone on the last syllable turns the nominative into the
vocative. In spite of, or probably because of, these developments, homophones are
not so common as in the West African languages.

Shilluk is recognised as belonging to a clearly-defined family of African languages
termed Nilotic and distinguished by the following characters : —

(i.) Mute and fricative sounds are in some cases interchangeable, especially
p and f.

(ii.) Many, if not all, of the languages have interdental sounds (jt d n).

(iii.) The stem in most cases has the form consonant, vowel, consonant.

(iv.) Stems with a semi-vowel between the first consonant and the vowel are
frequent. The stem vowel is often a diphthong.

(v.) Probably intonation plays an important role in most of the languages of
this family.

No doubt the Nilotic languages originally belonged to the " Sudan " family, and
several traits in all these languages point to a common origin, though at the present
time they can be divided into two great groups, viz., the Niloto-Sudanic and the
Niloto-Hamitic, all of which show more or less pronounced signs of Hamitic influence.
It is, then, not surprising that no hard-and-fast line can be drawn between the two

No, 74-75.] MAN. [1913.

groups, though in practice it does not seem difficult to allot any particular language
to its own -division. It is noteworthy that besides Shilluk ami Dinka (including
Nuer) a number of tribes having physical and cultural characters very different from
the Nilotes seem to be connected with the Niloto-Sudanic linguistic group. These
include the Mittu, Madi, Abokaya, Abaka, Luba, Wira, Lendn, and Mom.

The second part of the book is entitled Folklore, and under this heading are
given native texts containing, as already mentioned, a vast amount of interesting
information, though on one matter a curious misconception seems to have crept in..
On page 122 mention is made of "Nubians" as living among the Shilluk; it may
be assumed that the Nuba, the black pagan inhabitants of Southern Kordofan (not
of Nubia) are meant, but the mistake is a puzzling one ; moreover, Jebel Dyre,.
mentioned by Bruce, is not Jebel Eliri but Jebel Daier.

Information concerning the election of the king supplements that published by
the writer in the Fourth Report of the Wellcome Research Laboratory (Vol. B., 1911)
and makes it clear that the object called " Nyakang " mentioned as being brought
from Akurwa at the installation of the king is a wooden statue of Nyakang, and
that with this was brought a statue of Dag (Dak), his sou and successor. There is-
also additional information concerning royal burials, including a short account of the
drowning of a man and woman, who, with spears, cattle, belts, and other valuables
are laid bound in a boat which is rowed out to the middle of the river and there
sunk. It would be easy to go on quoting pages of interesting matter, but space only
allows of reference to the selection of Fashoda as the royal residence on account of
the unusual behaviour of certain oxen belonging to king Tugo and to the traditions
concerning Nyakang, one of which relates how the customs of a human foundation
sacrifice for the " houses " (shrines) of Nyakang arose. C. G. SELIGMANN.

Africa, East. Fisher.

Twilight Tales of the Black Baganda. By Mrs. A. B. Fisher (nee Ruth TC
Hurditch). With illustrations. Marshall Brothers, Ltd. 9x6. Pp. i-x, / U
1-198. Price 3*. 6d.

This book is of the popular kind, containing snatches of history, accounts of
missionary life and work, and some interesting touches of anthropology and folklore.
The book is divided into fourteen chapters, the first chapter alone having to do with
Uganda, giving brief accounts of the early travellers who opened the country t»
Western view. After this chapter the author turns to Bunyoro, which country, with
its people, the book is intended to describe. The title is, therelore, somewhat mis-
leading, and we are not told why the adjective " Black" is placed before Baganda ; there
is no mention made of any Baganda of another colour. Chapters III to V contain
much valuable information about the Bauyoro, and point to a wealth of interesting
customs, relationships, religion, &c., which still remain to be worked. Chapters VI
to XIV are taken up with accounts of the legendary history of the people and
country which cannot fail to interest the anthropologist. The illustrations, which are
good, have little or no bearing on the text, in fact most of them have nothing to do
with Bunyoro or its people. Page 37 gives an interesting full moon ceremony ; it is
thus described : " In the afternoon all the drums in the place were beaten and every-
" body shouted, as no one dared keep silent for fear of offending the moon. The
" king posted men at the cross roads and seized everyone who passed along. These
" unfortunate folk were brought to him and offered as a propitiatory sacrifice for the
" whole country to the evil spirits. The hair of the victims was put into horns and
" their blood was poured on to it, the horns being then kept by different people as
" charms against sickness and trouble. After this the king appeared swathed in
" barkcloths, taking up his position in his council hall, his subjects coming to do-

[ 134 ]

1913.] MAN. [No. 75-77.

" obeisance to him. A dead silence prevailed, for no one was allowed to even cough
" in his presence. First came the herdsmen in procession, as they always held first
" rank ; then the king's children, followed by the princes, princesses, chiefs, and
" lastly, the ordinary people ; these all came in single file, and after prostrating
" themselves before the king, stood on one side till the hall was full. Then all the
" people broke silence, shouting together, ' Live the King.' As the full moon rose
" the feasting began, and the drinking and dancing continued till dawn. The king's
" chief wife had to sit by her intoxicated spouse and pinch his arm or bite his
" finger, to prevent sleep ; for a man to slumber during full moon brought disaster to
" the household." Pages 51 and 52 contain some interesting statements about the
birth of twins — a fuller account would have been most valuable.

We are deeply indebted to Mrs. Fisher for her valuable contribution to our
knowledge of the Banyoro and the pleasing manner in which she has set out her
facts. The book is a proof of what may be placed on record by missionaries ; if a
lady tied by many household duties and the cares of children can find time to gather
such information, how much more should men do so ? They would soon discover a
bond of sympathy with the natives hitherto unknown, and be much better able to-
deal with difficulties in their missionary life, while the information would be of great
value to students and others interested in the problems of the human race.

J. ROSCOE.

Malta. Bradley.

Malta and the Mediterranean Race. By R. N. Bradley. With a map and TO
fifty-four illustrations. 8vo. 336 pp. London : T. Fisher Unwin. 8*. 6rf. net. I 0
The archaeology and prehistoric anthropology of the islands of the Mediterranean
have very deservedly attracted much attention in recent years, and Mr. Bradley's
book will no doubt be welcome to those who know very little about these subjects
and wish to know more, but have no time for a prolonged study of them. In his
first chapter, and indeed at intervals throughout the book, the author avows his
allegiance to the now fashionable theory that a " Mediterranean race," originating
" somewhere south of the Sahara," crossed over from Africa into Europe, " and
" spread over the whole Continent as far as our islands and Scandinavia." To this
race is attributed all megalithic construction in Europe, Africa, and Western Asia,
but constructions of a similar character in the Pacific Islands, Peru, Japan, the
Corea, and Siberia, must, we suppose, have had some other origin, unless, indeed, the
" Mediterranean race " extended as far south as Australia, as some authorities have
seemed to suggest. In subsequent chapters Mr. Bradley treats of prehistoric Malta
and Gozo, including Hal Saflieni and the Torri to Santa Verna, the uses and
relationship of the monuments, the neolithic objects found, the Maltese race and
folklore, Semitic and Hamitic language traces, and race characteristics. His treat-
ment is perhaps rather of a " popular " than a scientific description, but may, for that
reason, be particularly suitable to the numerous class of readers already indicated-
It should be added that Mr. Bradley writes with a personal knowledge of the sites
and the people of Malta and Gozo, and that he finds in the latter much resemblance
to the Irish. The illustrations are excellent and there is an index of ten pages.

A. L. L.

The Alphabet. Petrie

The Formation of the Alphabet. By Wm. Flinders Petrie. Vol. III.

Studies Series, British School of Archaeology in Egypt. London : Macmillan
and Quaritch. Pp. iv + 20 ; nine plates.

Since 1883, when Isaac Taylor brought out his volumes on the alphabet, in

which he summed up, with general acceptance, the current doctrines as to the origins

[ 135 ]

TTo. 77-78,] MAN. [1913.

of known alphabets, the progress of discovery and excavation has brought to light
an enormous mass of material not then available, and Professor Flinders Petrie thinks
that the time has now arrived to present the result of his enquiries based on all
existing material. This he has done in his Study on the Formation of the Alphabet
brought out by the British School of Archaeology in Egypt. His conclusions may
l)e briefly stated as follows : The alphabet is not to be traced back to the
hieroglyphic picture writing, but rather to a widespread system of signs prevailing in
the Mediterranean region, which can be shown to antedate any definite alphabetical
value. Thus no values are known for prehistoric Egypt, for the earlier Egyptian
dynasties, for Crete, Phylakopi, or Lachish ; these early signs can only be classified
ty their forms not by their values. The signs spread throughout the Mediterranean
region, extending to Sabaea to the south-east and to the Rune-using races to the
north. The strongest resemblances exist often between systems far apart geographi-
cally, as, for instance, between Caria on one side and Spain and the Runes on the
•other, and many of the signs in these alphabets are found in Egypt in the Xllth
dynasty and earlier, so that they evidently have a common origin outside the Phoenician
group. On these grounds and on others (derived from the presence or absence of
certain letters and from the order of the alphabet) the Phoenician origin is rejected,
and the conclusion reached that the various alphabets were selections from a signary
or widespread body of signs in general use. The systematisation of this alphabet
Professor Flinders Petrie attributes to North Syria on grounds which may seem to
some far-fetched. The order of the alphabet seems by general consent to be based
on the sequence — vowel, labial, guttural, dental ; the liquids being added ; there was
no place for the sibilants, which were inserted afterwards. From this it is argued that
the arrangement must have been made in some country where sibilants were unknown
or little used (as in many parts of Polynesia). Such a country, on the evidence of
Egyptian name-lists, Professor Flinders Petrie finds in North Syria, and he finds
additional evidence in the prevalence there more than elsewhere of the system of using
letters as numerals in dates on coins.

Such, briefly summarised, is the argument set forth in this interesting study, which
is fully illustrated by carefully-constructed plates of the various signaries, which will
Jong remain of the highest value to enquirers. Professor Flinders Petrie supports his
theory by many and cogent arguments, and whether it obtain general acceptance or not
there can be no doubt that it requires the most careful consideration from every
student of the subject. M. LONGWORTH UAMES.

ANTHROPOLOGICAL NOTES.

IN Mr. Randall H. Pye, who died suddenly on 29th June, the Royal
Anthropological Institute loses one of its most valued supporters. He was
elected a fellow in 1891, and held the post of chairman of the executive committee
from 1905 until his death. He was but rarely able to attend the evening meetings,
and only those who worked with him on the committee are fully aware of the
great debt which the Institute as a whole owes him. In the administration of the
Institute's business, he played an important part, especially in the sphere of financial
reform. In this connection he acted as auditor of the Institute's accounts for many
years. He was an almost ideal chairman, and his genial presence and sound advice
will be sadly missed by his colleagues.

THE Institute has accepted an invitation from the University of Oxford Anthropological
Society to meet in Oxford, jointly with the Folklore Society, on the Thursday in the
third week of the Summer Term 1914, when Professor Gilbert Murray will read a
paper on some subject belonging to Social Anthropology.

Printed by EYRE AND SPOTTISWOGDE, LTD., His Majesty's Printers, Fast Harding Street, B.C.

PLATE I-J.

MAN, 1913.

FIG. i.

FIG. 3.

FIG. 4.

CIRCUMCISION CEREMONIES AMONG THE AMWIMBE.

1913.] MAN. [No, 79.

ORIGINAL ARTICLES.
Africa, East. With Plate I-J. Browne.

2,b Circumcision Ceremonies among the Amwimbe. />// G. St. J. "1Q
Orde Browne. f U

Conditions are changing so rapidly among the tribes of East Africa that it is
only a matter of a few years before the customs of the smaller and more insignificant
sections disappear irrevocably. Under these circumstances the following notes may
be of interest. The Amwimbe are one of the minor tribes of Eastern Kenya,
numbering some 35,000 all told ; they are akin to the Akikuyu, but present many
points of difference in appearance, language, and customs. In particular, they have
many peculiarities which indicate the influence of their numerous northern neighbours,
the Mem.

Among these are the details of their circumcision, which is far more like the
ceremony as carried out by the Meru than that of the Akikuyu. The writer in the
course of his official duties recently witnessed the whole ceremony under singularly
favourable circumstances. No special period is observed among the Amwimbe for
the ceremony, but it is carried out usually at the beginning of the rainy season,
when all those who are considered suitable are operated upon. The age varies
considerably, and depends largely upon the wealth and position of the father of the
boy or girl. If the boy is an only son, the father is more anxious to hasten the
function, whereas if he is the third or fourth child, the parents are not. so ready to
produce the necessary fees, and the matter may be allowed to stand over until the
youth is almost full grown. Another detail which probably hastens the circumcising-
of the eldest sou is the fact that the possession of circumcised children is one of
the qualifications which a man must possess before he can be a member of the
kiama or elders' council. As a result the boys are usually operated on betweeru
the ages of twelve and sixteen approximately, while the girls are probably a little?
older.

The ceremony is a public one at which anyone may be present, though strangers
are regarded with suspicion ; in this the Amwimbe differ noticeably from the Akikuyu,
who regard it as highly improper for any boy or young man to witness the circum-
cision of girls. The operation is regarded as a public function, and the whole village
participates in the general excitement. For some time previous to the ceremony the-
novices of each sex have been undergoing a special course of instruction and initia-
tion from the old people ; in the case of the boys this appears to last for a month
or more, though with the girls it seems rather less elaborate. The aspirants live
by themselves in a specially built hut in the forest or jungle, with the particular old.
man or woman who%se duty it is to instruct them, and are apparently taught the
general duties of a member of the tribe.

On the day fixed for the circumcision, a large section of the population of the
village turns out in ceremonial dress ; parties may be met walking or dancing along
all the paths leading from the huts. Women of all ages appear in skirts made
of fibre combed out till it looks like coarse string ; this hangs from the waist to the
knee, and is worn over the ordinary dress. With this they carry little dancing shields of
wood, oval in shape and some twelve inches in length, painted in patches with coloured
clay and ashes ; they also carry short Avooden clubs. Parties of boys also go about
with a species of long dancing shield of wood which consists of little more than a
long spindle-shaped piece of wood with a hollow for the hand. This is carried in the
left hand and is used as a guard for blows from the club which another dancer carries
in his right hand, the method being similar to quarterstaff play. This dance is much
in evidence and is also to be seen at other times ; the name of it is mkongoro.
A variation is made in it by periodical slapping with the club upon the short

No. 79,] MAN. [1913.

triangular skin which hangs down over the buttocks. A proportion of the spectators
smear a ring of millet porridge round their faces, though this seems to be quite
optional. Among these groups are to be seen the girls who are to be operated upon ;
they are in different costume from that worn at any other time and are easily
recognised. They are completely naked except for a fringe of beads and native
chainwork an inch or so wide round the waist ; the head is shaved, and on the thigh
is strapped the leg-bell worn by a warrior ; in some cases also a warrior's sword in
its scabbard is strapped round the waist. A tall conical headdress of colobus monkey
skin is worn, though this is occasionally omitted, probably owing to the difficulty of
getting many of the skins, or another fur may take its place. On the face are
irregular patches of white ash with small dots of red earth. These girls run about
the paths singing and dancing carrying small sticks ; they are usually very much
excited and overwrought.

The boys, on the contrary, do not appear much and do not seem to be worked
up to the same pitch of excitement. After having bathed in the river they return
to the village green and seat themselves in a row in a squatting position. They are
entirely naked and wear no ornaments, nor is the face painted as a rule. Behind
each lad stands an old man who acts as a sort of " godfather " and who is a friend
of the boy's father ; this old man receives some small present from the father for his
part in the ceremony.

Suddenly, without any particular warning, the operator runs up to the line of
waiting boys ; they are each squatting with knees apart, elbows resting on knees,
chin on hands, and eyes turned up. The operator produces a small knife shaped like
a bay leaf and some three inches in length, with a wooden handle ; being made of
soft native iron this takes a very sharp edge. The operator seizes the end of the
foreskin between finger and thumb and draws it as far forward as possible ; he then
cuts off the extreme end in two cuts, one from each side, the small scraps removed
being thrown on to the ground and disregarded ; he then takes a fresh grasp of the
remains of the foreskin, pulls it forward, and makes a transverse slit across it just
behind the base of the glans penis. This cut just penetrates the skin, and leaves
a sort of " buttonhole," through which the glans penis is pushed, leaving a ragged
pucker of skin hanging below it. This eventually heals up and leaves a sort of
small "tassel" of skin hanging below the base of the glans penis. In this detail
the Amwimbe resemble the Meru, except that the Meru cut off no skin, but merely
push the glans penis through the slit, with the result that in their case the hanging
scrap of skin is much larger. The Akikuyu, on the contrary, remove the skin
altogether, leaving nothing hanging down. The whole operation is performed with
surprising speed and dexterity ; the boy sits absolutely still, and there is an amaz-
ingly small quantity of blood. Immediately the operation is finished the boy leaps
up into the air, throwing himself backwards into the arms of his " godfather," who
catches him and wraps a skin or cloth round his waist ; the boy is deposited on the
ground again and has his face violently rubbed by the old man. This seemed to be
intended as a preventive against fainting, as several of the boys seemed very much
shaken and dazed, simple though the operation had looked.

After a few minutes' rest the boys were assisted to their feet and formed into
a line, grasping the old men round the waist, while their heads were covered with
cloths or skins ; in this order they moved off to their huts in the village, which are
special small huts of grass on the edge of the village built for the occasion. In
these the boys live for eighteen days, subsisting at first entirely on milk, but after a
few days eating whatever they wish. Healing is generally fairly rapid, taking from
a few days up to a month, or occasionally more. The operation does not appear a
particularly painful or serious one, though the stoical indifference of the negro to

[ 138 ]

1913.] MAN. [No, 79.

pain probably misleads the onlooker, while the shouting and screaming indulged in by
the crowd effectually drown any groans or cries. The utter absence of any sort of
antiseptic precautions, or even of mere cleanliness, must render the operation always
somewhat risky, however. After the disappearance of the boys there was a pause
•of some two hours ; this was occupied by the girls in bathing in the river near by ;
thev eventually appeared in a procession, singing and shouting in a state of wild
excitement. They were still naked except for the bead fringe, and their skins were
still glistening from the very thorough bath that they had just undergone. Each girl
was attended by from one to three " godmothers," elderly women who occupied the
same place to the girls as the old men did to the boys.

The girls then seated themselves in a row in a squatting posture. To attain
the correct posture each girl stands in front of her " godmother " with her heels
outside the old woman's feet ; the old woman then squats down, and the girl sinks
into her lap ; this secures that the legs are suitably spread apart. An oryx horn
appeared to play an important part in the proceedings ; it was first carried in a circle
round the novices by one of the old women and was then used to dig small holes for
the feet to rest in, thus ensuring that the heels remained in the correct position.

The operator then appeared. She was an old woman in a most elaborate costume
of bead-trimmed skins ; quantities of bead necklaces were hung round her neck, a
monkey skin headdress adorned her head, while her eyes were painted in the patches
usually assumed for ceremonial occasions. Across her chest she wore a sort of cross
belt of skin embroidered with beads, while she carried the usual skin bag slung from
one shoulder ; in this was the knife which she used for the operation.

Before taking their places, the novices ran wildly about the ground shrieking and
waving their arms ; they also took mouthfuls of millet porridge which they blew about
into the air ; handfuls of banana seeds were also thrown into the air.

When they had seated themselves as described, the old woman who was to
operate advanced on the first girl. The latter was firmly clutched under the arms by
her " godmother," and the mob surrounding raised a deafening shriek. In the midst
of an indescribable uproar the operator bent over the girl and seized the labia minora
between finger and thumb of the right hand ; with the knife in the left hand she cut
off all that could be drawn out from each side. The operation was performed with
some deliberation, and took perhaps half a minute, in contrast to the operation on
the boys, which lasted hardly more than a few seconds. Little blood was shed, and the
girl appeared to suffer little pain ; the portions removed were thrown on the ground
and disregarded. Immediately the operation was concluded the " godmother " wrapped
an apron of skin round the girl's waist ; snuff was given in large quantities ; the belt
was taken from the shoulders of the operator and hung round the girl's neck ; the
head was vigorously rubbed with millet flour or some such substance. The girl then
rested on the lap of her "godmother" while the same operation was performed on
her neighbour. During the whole of the cutting process the crowd maintained a
deafening combination of screams, whistles, groans, and shouts of encouragement ; the
spectators crowded down on the ring and were with difficulty kept sufficiently far off
to allow the ceremony to proceed ; everyone shrieked and gesticulated, and sticks and
other missiles were freely thrown about. All this rendered the careful observation of
details most difficult, and the taking of notes and photographs was only accomplished
in the most haphazard way.

When all the candidates had been operated upon the old women formed a pro-
cession in single file ; behind them came the girls, each with her head beneath a
skin apron, which was hung from the shoulders of the one in front. In this
formation they returned to the village, to live in the small specially-erected houses
there.

[ 139 ]

No. 79-80,] MAN. [1913.

In the evening a second operation takes place, in which the remainder of
the lahia minora and a portion of the labia majora are trimmed away. This is
said to be very painful, and to entail the loss of a considerable amount of blood ;
it is not, however, considered as such an important ceremony as the morning-
one, and is not attended by the same crowds ; it is performed by a different old
woman, who receives smaller fees than the chief operator of the morning.

The whole operation is said to have a very trying effect on the victims, and there
is a tendency among the younger people to try to modify the rigours of the present
system, and to bring it into accordance with that of the Akiknyu ; it is said that the
present harsh method has only existed for two or three generations, and that the
original method was not so severe on the victims.

After the ceremony both sexes lead a quiet and idle life ; as healing takes place,,
considerable, if not complete, sexual licence is allowed, though compensation is
exacted for the birth of a child in the case of an unmarried girl, just as in ordinary
times. The local " wise man " pronounces a charm to make the girls fertile after
the ceremony, since previous to the operation all girls are under a special charm,,
which prevents any undesired results of casual intercourse.

The ceremony is generally regarded as a matter for congratulation, and a boy
looks forward eagerly to the day when he will cease to be a child. There is no-
sign of the custom dying out, even among the most sophisticated of the natives ;
occasional attempts which have been made by missionaries, in different parts of the
country, to suppress or modify the practice have met with the bitterest opposition.

On the whole the ceremony can scarcely be regarded as immoral or pernicious;
very few Europeans are in a position to speak with the slightest authority on the
question of the educative side of this custom, and there is a sad tendency in
some circles to endeavour to replace knowledge by predjudice. Taking into
account the very low view of morals adopted by the native according to European
ideas, or ideals, the writer is inclined to consider that the circumcision rites have,
in the main, 'a wholesome effect on the young people, though abuses may easily
creep in.

(Photographs : — Fig. 1, circumcision of girl ; Fig. 2, circumcision of boy ; Fig. 3,.
female operator ; Fig. 4, male operator holding knife in his hand.)

G. ST. J. ORDE BROWNE.

Fiji. Hocart.

On the Meaning of the Fijian Word Turanga. By A. M. Hocart.

The Fijian word turanga is invariably translated " chief." The translation
is unfortunate ; by chief we mean the headman, the person who leads a community.
The word turanga may, indeed, be used to designate the chief when the context or
circumstances make it plain. A stranger coming into the village and enquiring after
the turanga means the chief. But it is absurd to speak of Mbau as a village of
" chiefs," as is done in some books, or to say that half the population of Tumbou,
in Lakemba, are " chiefs." Such expressions make the uninitiated think of a South
American army where the officers outnumber the men, or they may be led to infer that
the chiefs of various districts congregate in certain villages as capitals. Most of
the so-called " chiefs " have no more claim to that title than the members of a royal
family to that of king. They are ultimately descendants of some chief ; if they are
leading personalities among his issue they may be eligible to the chieftainship ; they
may even wield unofficially more power than the actual chief, to whom they may
be superior in rank ; but they are not the consecrated heads of the tribe or district.-
What makes them turanga is their blood ; it is therefore simpler and more accurate

* ng=ng as bring ; -nyff = ng in finger ; dh=th in this.
'[ 140 ]

1913.] MAN. [No. 80.

to translate the word as "nobleman," and to reserve the word "chief" for that ore
of them who has been elected to reign.

Such, then, is the present meaning of turanga. Was it the original one ? The
etymology reveals as yet no earlier meaning. We are probably right in recognising
in it the syllable tu, which expresses rank or eminence, and occurs as the title of
certain chiefs, as Roko Tu Vuma or the " Noble Lord of Vnma," Tu Navutu or
*' Lord of Navntu." More often i is suffixed : Tui Levuka, Tu also occurs in ratu,
*' sir." The last two syllables of the word turanga remain nnanalysed.

There is one usage of the word, however, that sets us thinking, namely, its
usage as a polite expression for " old man," instead of the usual nggase. They will
say Sa lako mai e ndua na kena turanga. for " An old gentleman has come " ;
koira na kena turanga is " the elders."

We might at first be inclined to dismiss the case as quite simple ; respect for
old age expresses itself in the substitution of the term nobleman for old man. Such
an explanation may satisfy those who have not yet realised that in ethnology, as in
other sciences, a strict determinism must be enforced ; they are quite contented when
they have traced a phenomenon to some sentiment or instinct, and do not trouble to
explain why that sentiment should have taken this form rather than another. That
there is such a thing as respect for age, and that it finds expression in our language
and actions, everyone knows ; what we wish to know further is why this and that
form should have come to express it.

Moreover, in our present case the psychological explanation stumbles at the
outset over a small detail ; the expression " true turanga " (turanga ndina) always,
at least in the Lau group, means " elderly gentleman," " reverend signior," and not
a " true blooded nobleman," as we might expect. Now, if ethnology is to be deter-
ministic, the smallest detail must harmonise with the theory as well as big facts, and
this detail does not harmonise with the rough-and-ready explanation suggested above.
Let us try and see what will follow if turanga be supposed originally to have meant
an elder, an ancient, perhaps a married man, and has in course of time changed its
meaning to " nobleman," and that the original sense survives in the custom of
describing an old man as " real turanga"

If we accept this hypothesis we can at once understand why formerly young
noblemen in Mbau were spoken of as " youth so and so " (ngone ho ka) ; why in
Nandrau in the Highlands a nobleman was not called turanga till he was married ;
why in most parts, if not all, young noblemen, including the chief, even till advanced
middle age, are never called purely and simply turanga, but always ngone turanga,
that is turanga youth.*

We have a parallel for this supposed change of meaning of the word turanga.
The ordinary word for an old man is nggase ; now in recent times it has come to
be used of certain functions imported by the white man, quite regardless of the
holder's age. Thus a schoolmaster is nggase ni vuli (" old man of the school "), a
school praefect is nggase ni mbure ("old man of the dormitory "). Servants will also
speak of their master as nouggu nggase (" my old man ").

We have more than a parallel ; we have the very counterpart in the use of
dhauravou (" youth ") among the hill tribes. There the nobles are called turanga,
but the common people dhauravou, and this word is there the equivalent of the
coastal Jtaisi. Sometimes ngone ("child," "youth") is applied to the younger and
inferior branch of the nobility, thus in Nanggelewai, Leaikini told me that the elder
branch was buried in a cave, but " we, the children," at the foot of it. As a
matter of fact the " children " were much of the same age as the leading noblemen.

* Jeune Jille. in South Belgium is used in the sense of spinster, and I have heard of a spinster
describing herself as rieille jeitne Jille (" old voung girl ").

[ 141 ]

No. 80.] MAN. [1913.

Another parallel usage is that of tuaka (" elder brother ") and tadhi (" younger
brother ") ; tribal brothers rank as elder or younger, not according to their own age
but according to that of the own brothers from whom they are descended, and,
therefore, according to rank.*

A word like turanga, for which it seems possible to find a derivation, cannot
claim as high an antiquity as the unanalysed nggase. The conclusion is that nggasc,
or, in some parts, nggala, mangua, are the original terms, and that turanga is a
respectful title for the ancients of a tribe, or possibly for a certain grade of age.
The western word for an old man is tutu nggavanggwa, which also contains the
word /«, and means " those that stand firm " ; it is obviously not an ancient word but
a title that has displaced the original word for old man.

The change in the meaning of turanga cannot have been spontaneous ; there is
no more spontaneity in ethnology than in biology. We have to imagine a social
change that will explain the change of meaning, and the social change that most
naturally occurs to one is the substitution of hereditary chiefs for a gerontocracy.

In effect, what strikes an investigator among the hill-tribes is the greater
prominence of the old men in all rites ; offerings are even made to them, and it was
clear among the tribe of Nandereivalu that they were not receiving them as mediums
of the ghosts, but as old men " who," as my informant put it, " are already ghosts. 'r
Likewise, among the Navatusila tribe in Naivudhini, before war each man presented
two taro roots to each old man, " that is by reason of the kalou.^ The old man
" receives the offering ; the old man is like a kalou ; he is old. . . . An old
" man did not plant, but stayed in the house like a ghost ; he was about to die.'*
Every religious rite is in the same way presided over by the old men, and religious
rites were evidently far more important among the hill tribes than on the coast,,
where attendance on the chiefs had absorbed much of the energies of the tribe. As
near the coast as Na Mata it is recorded that the offerings made to the Spirit were
diverted from him to a noble lady from Mbau, and to her issue, who owed their
nobility to her.

In the west of Viti Levu there are many tribes that hardly had any chiefs at
all. The Nggaliyalatina tribe lived dispersed in clansj till British rule. The Mba
tribes were distinctly under the rule of elders, one from each tribe, bearing the title,
it is said, of tui, these were definitely stated to be " priests "- (mbete) ; they were
installed with elaborate ceremonies called veimbuli, a word applied in the eastern
part to the creation of chiefs.

Even in the extreme east the old men preside over the ceremonies that centre
round the chiefs, as in the hills they controlled religious rites. Under the late High
Chief of Lau (d. 1903) they used to spend much of their time in his house, gathered
round kava and discussed matters, while some young nobleman brewed the kava

* We shall find it convenient, I think, in ethnological discussions to distinguish between older
and senior, younger and junior. By senior we understand one who ranks as older, and by junior
one who is treated as younger, quite irrespective of the true ratio of years. In the following pedigree

A
I __

I I

B C

D E J K

E is senior to J though he may actually be younger. In Fiji a distinction is hardly made between
seniority and age.

f Ghost. See "On the meaning of the Fijian word, kalou." Journ. Roy. Anthr. Inst., 1912,,
Vol. XL1L, p. 437.

J Not exogamous.

[ 142 ]

1913.] MAN. [No. 80-81.

for them and attended, all ears but no tongue. This is indeed a familiar experience
all over Fiji. In formal kava drinking the chief sits at the top flanked by the
herald* ; on either side sits a single row of elders, while the young, nobles included,
huddle behind the kava bowl or help in the making. When there is a feast the
old men of all ranks assemble in one house and talk over the kava with Olympian
calm, while the youths and middle-aged men, nobles and commoners, pile up the
food outside, prepare the oven, and come to report to the elders. At church the elders
sit behind the pulpit, while the younger folk form the mass of the congregation.

The word turanga, therefore, leads us back to gerontocracy ; it is properly the
title of the old men who sit in informal council over feasts and ceremonies, even as
may be seen at the present day. The sacrosanct chiefs and their families usurped
their title with part of their functions. As chieftainship goes by seniority, and
seniority is not distinguished from age, the transference of turanga to the nobility
was an easy one. That is why at the present day turanga is used of an old man,
a father, a senior, and a nobleman. A. M. HOCART.

Cape Colony: Archseology. Abbott.

Pygmy Implements from Cape Colony. />'// /' • •/• Leicis Abbott. Q1

F.R.A.I., F.G.S. 01

Some two years ago the veteran Colonel Fielden, of Arctic fame, received from Mr.
J. M. Bain, from the base of the Sand-dunes of Fishook, Cape Colony, a series of pygmy
implements which are of special interest. In Europe the pygmy work commenced with
the Cave period of France, where it is marked by special edge-working of two kinds :
firstly, the diminutive flaking (of which there are several varieties), which was in
all probability effected by a strip of bone with a saw-setter slot ; and, secondly, by
the removal of the old edges, by one blow administered at the point or butt, when
it was desired to put on a new edge. These "old edges," as I have called them
for want of a better name, have been regarded as highly specialized tools under
different names, and the implements when so treated have been figured as " double
graving tools " ; but they are in reality nothing more than the products of this
characteristic method of working. I have hundreds of them from the French caves
and other settlements of people who employed this method of working. These I
shall be pleased to describe on a future occasion.

So distinctive are these two methods of working, that we can trace the migra-
tions of their employers through time and space ; we can see them here adding one
new form, and there another ; here one type dominant, there another one dying out.
Some races (or colonies) would develop diminutive — almost microscopic — forms of a
certain group, such as the tiny crescents and oblique-pointed lancets of Scnnthorpe,
and several localities in Cornwall, where these minute tools were sometimes not
more than 3 or 4 mm. long ; or the tiny leaf-shape things at the Hastings Kitchen
Middens, so light that the least breeze wafts them away, and the removed flakes
are not more than a five-hundredth of an inch wide. With the succession of time
in Belgium, and other places on the continent, we see a similar addition of
characteristic forms.

In this country the pygmies were mostly worked from fresh black flint ; and in
many stations they are almost as fresh to the naked eye as if they had been worked
but yesterday. In many cases they have been in an altering matrix, and have
" blued," whitened, or porcelainized ; cross-sections show the alteration in all thick-
nesses, from partial surface covering to complete metamorphosis. This state of
affairs, I believe, obtains all over Europe. At the north-east of Hastings, in what I
believe to be a station of Magdalinean age, large numbers of palaeolithic implements

* See Journ. Rvy. Anthr. Ingt., 1913, Vol. XLIII, p. 109.

No. 81.] MAN. [1913.

occur, aiul still greater quantities of thin flakes or blades ; they are stained of a
uniform light orange brown. These attracted the attention of the Hastings Kitchen
Midden men, and they re-worked them with their characteristic edge-work into their
quaint shapes. But it is easy to see the two ages of the flakings and workings. In
India the local varieties of silica — semi-opal, chalcedony, jasper, and other forms —
were employed in their manufacture. In some places we find the native rocks used ;
in others material the locality of which we do not know. These now under descrip-
tion from Fishook are made from a very peculiar porphyretic pitchstone, closely
approaching obsidian. In colour it is usually a very light grey, sometimes it is a
jasper red. At first appearance it looks like a fine micro-quartz-porphyry, with here
and there evidence of flow structure. The enclosed quartz occurs in quite minute
blebs ; very rarely one sees indications of crystalline outline. The surfaces of the
implements have suffered a good deal of absorbtion, and in some cases so much so
that the interfacettial ridges are by no means sharp, and they are often decidedly
sand-polished, or what would be called patinated. This is only what one would
expect from their association with sand-dunes. The little things from the Culbin
Sunds and other Scottish localities are in a similar state. One also notices that the
minute cracks in these South African things often contain kaolin. It should not be
difficult to trace up the rock from which these are made, and I hope that by doing
this with all pygmy implements, we may be able to trace the wanderings of their
users. The two shown from Basutoland are of a dense black fine grain basalt. I
have had specimens of these not more than 8 mm. in diameter.

Although the material of the Fishook implements is of fairly even structure
throughout, it cannot be said to be homogeneous, consequently it is by no means so
easy to work as flint, nor, indeed would it always lend itself to the same treatment,
and here comes the interesting points of racial conservatism : the forms, and with
these one would think the purposes, whatever they were, for which they were used,
were survivals in the race, from the land of flint, and closely allied varieties of silica.
These forms could not possibly have originated in a land where their attainment was
impossible. In some groups, the thinness of the flakes admitted the old slot method
to be employed, but in others it was quite impossible, and free-flaking appeared
uppermost in the minds of the people. But whatever the method, the object was the
same, and the desired forms the same. Very often the material would lend itself to
fairly parallel flaking, so that blades 20 to 30 mm. by 3 or 4 mm. occur in fair
numbers. These were then worked with the slot -work into the characteristic
quaint shapes, identical with European specimens. We note in some of these that,
in running the flaker up the edge the backward and forward movement took off the
the tiny flakes from both faces, giving rise to an almost rectangular edge. In others
the upper wall of the flaker would only act as a lever and the arm working would
be elevated, so that the cutting-edge Avould form a more acute angle. There is yet
the other great feature in these South African things that associates them with the
European, viz., the striking off" the worked edges when a new edge or tang was wanted
and the production of the " old edges," and " tanging pieces."

DESCRIPTION OF SPECIMENS ILLUSTRATED.

Nos. 1 and 2 are excellent examples of posteriorly approaching sides obliquely
pointed, lancet group ; they are triangular in section, the third or shorter being the
operating edge. They show work from both upper and lower faces, and are very
hard worn.

Fig. 3 is another variety ; it is triangular in section, as are the last-named ;
the edges approach towards the point ; before meeting an oblique cutting edge with
a very sharp point was put on.

1913.]

MAN.

[No. 81.

Fig. 4 is another variety of this group ; the thin edge is curved, and the cutting
«dge oblique.

Fig. 5 is a beautiful example of the acicular point group, where an edge is
nearly or quite straight, with the practically rectangular work, and the other more
bowed and thinner. Its pink colouring and the arrangement of the enclosures cause
it to look like a mierographic granite. The members of this group are specially

interesting, as not only do they agree in size and characteristic shape with the
Hastings Kitchen Midden things, but they are worked with the rectangular, rectilinear
work, with facets removed from both faces, as is the case with the bone-slot work,
although the worn condition precludes the preservation of the delicate work.

Fig. 6 is a beautiful little example of one of those " old edges " previously
referred to, which has been struck off the implement when it was desired to put

No. 81.] MAN. [1913.

a new edge upon it. It is, indeed, exceedingly interesting to get this method of
working associated with these things in South Africa.

Fig. 8 is a nicely bi-syminetrical, very long thick, leaf-shape ; obtusely worked all
round, by a method which does not appear quite the same as the foregoing. But the
extent of the sand-polishing and surface-alteration is so great that the finer structures
are destroyed.

The Crescents. — The members of this group are of special interest, as it is quite
certain that these implements could have been used for no purpose that has been
claimed for European crescents.

Figs. 19-21 are worked from dorsal-ridged flakes, edged with the slot-flaker.

Fig. 20 shows a dorsal ridge running across the implement. The cutting edges
are produced by the bottom wall of the slot-flaker.

Fig. 24 shows one of these in the process of making, one side being quite
finished.

Fig. 22 is worked from a thick ridge-back blade, with the chord beautifully
worked (monohedrally) ; the points, however, are put on by percussion, and a good
portion of the edge is left untouched, so that the implement loses the pure crescendo
form.

Fig. 23 is in every way similar, only that it is worked from a concave ridge-
back flake.

Figs. 9-18 show an interesting series of the true crescents. It will be seen that
these are not worked from thin blades, nor brought into the desired forms by the
slot-flaker, but by percussion, and as it does not appear that man had yet learned
that too obtuse a striking angle, in relation to the force employed, only caused the
flaking-planes to resolve, the ought-to-have-been pits-of-percussion are absent, and
in their places we have parallel resolution pits, and the whole surface is hackly
(celoclastic). It will also be noticed that these crescents are often not half again as.
long as wide, and not twice as wide as thick, which renders them inoperative and
inapplicable for any of the purposes which have been claimed for the English
crescents ; but their cresoentic outline is maintained with less variation of detail than
in the European forms.

Fig. 25 shows one in process of being formed by percussion.

Associated with the pigmy industry in some, but not all, places are minute more
or less horseshoe shaped scrapers, sometimes they become absolute circles ; they are
sometimes smaller than those shown.

The pygmy industry is essentially a monohedral one (i.e., the flakes are all
removed from one face only). Fig. 26, however, is a disc worked by percussion from
both faces.

These latest additions to the pygmy industry open up a fruitful field for thought
to every working anthropologist. Of the users of these little things we know nothing,
but the altered condition of the material, the sand polished and worn edges and
kaolin ization, point to a great age ; even the basalt ones, which at first glance might
appear fresh and sharp, when examined more closely are seen to have been altered,
some very much so, the iron oxidized and all the ridges rubbed down.

It is obvious that the prototypes of these shapes could not have originated in a
country where the native material did not lend itself to their manufacture ; but in one
where a homogeneous silica, such as flint, was the common indigenous material ; and
in following up the search for these interesting little objects, we shall be getting
together the material to show the migrations of this old race over the face of the
earth, and perhaps be able to trace it to its cradle. W. J. LEWIS ABBOTT.

P.S. — Since writing the above I have had the surprising pleasure of seeing
a collection of these little things presented by Miss Nina Layard to the Ipswich

[ 146 ] "

1913.] MAN. [No. 81 82.

Corporation. They are not only similar in shape and work, but the material appears
the same as those from South Africa. But what is more remarkable still, they are
found in Australia ; they carry the legend that they " were used 200 years ago by
the natives," a time long enough to relegate them to the prehistoric. I hope to-
be able to find out more about these most interesting things from the other end of
the earth, which point to another example of those great migrations about which we
have been learning of late years. — W. J. L. A.

Japan : Folklore. Hildburgrh.

Seven Japanese Variants of a Toothache-charm, including: a OH

Driven Nail. By W. L. Hildburgh. QL

An excellent example of the variations of a popular charm, according to the
district (or even the part of the district) where it is practised, is afforded by certain
Japanese forms of the procedure of driving a nail or a spike into some object for.
the purpose of relieving toothache. The series illustrates the difficulty with which
the folklorist may be faced when trying to select the essential feature of a charm of
which he knows one or two forms only. In each variant the charm is given in full
detail, as received by me or as printed in books, showing the ceremonial which may
gather by degrees about a simple performance.

(a.) Upon a sheet of paper draw a diagram of the mouth, showing the tongue
in the centre, and representing each tooth by a small mark. (The diagram is to be
drawn with the part representing the left side opposite to the actual left side, as in
a mirror, not as in a portrait.) Fasten this paper by a number of bamboo spikes,
either angular or round (the paper must not be pasted up), to the wall of a room in
which one is accustomed to spend much time — a bedroom, or the kitchen, for example —
near to the floor. Then, with a few light taps of a hammer, drive another bamboo
spike through the mark corresponding to the diseased tooth, at the same time request-
ing either Fudo-san or Jizo-san (some people favour one of these deities, some the
other) to cure the tooth. Should the tooth continue to ache, drive the spike a little
further into the wall, with renewed requests for a cure. (Recorded by me at Kyoto.)

(6.) A knife is flourished about in front of the patient's face (this action probably
corresponds to threatening the disorder with a knife, as is done in some charms for other
purposes), and a sheet of paper folded in a certain manner is then cut along the folds
with this knife. One of the sheets thus produced is marked by biting upon it with
the aching tooth, and is afterwards returned to its original position amongst the others.
Then all are fastened up by several nails driven through them in the upper part of a
room. (Recorded by me at Nikko.)

(c.) Stand, with the feet together, upon a piece of white paper placed on the
floor and draw a line (which will resemble the outline of a human face) around the
outside of them.* Within this line draw eyes, a nose, and a mouth containing a full
set of teeth, making the offending tooth quite black, and the two teeth at its sides
slightly black. Then fold the paper in eight folds, drive a nail through it, and finally
throw it into a running stream. (Quoted in The Sightless City, 1905.)

(c?.) "Inscribe on a slip of wood certain incantations (given) in the ordinary
' Chinese character, in the seal character, and in Sanskrit. Beside the inscription
" make two circles. If the toothache is in the upper jaw knock a new nail with a
" purified hammer into the upper circle ; if in the lower jaw into the lower circle.
" If the pain does not go away continue knocking the nail with the hammer. The

* To cure toothache ink the sole of one foot and take an imprint of it upon a sheet of paper,
then paste the paper upon the kitchen door. For a tooth on the right side print the right foot ;
for one on the left side the left foot. (Reported to me as given by an old woman at Kamakura).

[ 147 J

No, 82-83,] MAN. [1913.

*' slip of wood should be afterwards thrown away into a stream." (Quoted in Aston's
Shinto, as taken from Bakiu's Yenzeki Zass/ti.)

(e.) Write the verses of a certain charm (given) upon a piece of paper, and nail
this upon a pillar. Whenever the tooth hurts subsequently drive the nail a little
further in. (From a book of charms and recipes published at Kyoto about 1843.)

(y.) A written charm, which is rolled np so that the writing is hidden, is pre-
pared by a fortune-teller and is brought to the patient's home, where it is transfixed
by a nail. Should the pain return the nail is driven further into the paper.
(Recorded by me at Yokohama.)

(<7.) " Sufferers from toothache sometimes stick needles into the yanagi (or willow)
" tree, believing that the pain caused to the tree-spirit will force it to exercise its
*4 power to cure." (Hearn, Glimpses of Unfamiliar Japan, pp. 598-599.)

NOTE. — Amongst the Ainu, "For toothache a nail is heated to a white heat and
*' is held on the affected tooth for a few seconds. This is said to kill the insects
*' which are supposed to be the origin of the malady." (Batchelor, The Ainu and
"Their Folklore, 1901, p. 293.) W. L. HILDBURGH.

REVIEWS.
Religion. Frazer.

The Belief in Immortality and the Worship of the Dead. By J. G. QQ
Frazer, D.C.L., LL.D., Litt.D. Vol. I, The Belief among the Aborigines 00
of Australia, the Torres Straits Islands, New Guinea and Melanesia. London :
Macmillan & Co., Limited, 1913.

It is not easy to offer any criticism, however modest, on this first volume of a
new work by Professor Frazer without knowing somewhat more than he. is pleased,
in the preface and introductory lecture, to reveal of the plan and extent of the
whole. The volume consists of the Gifford Lectures delivered by the author at
St. Andrews in the years 1911 and 1912. "The theme here broached is," as he
says, " a vast one." Apparently it is his intention to pursue it through the remaining
"principal races of the world both in ancient and modern times." If pursued on
the same scale he will need the legendary age of the ancient patriarchs to complete
it and give us his conclusions ; and we shall need a still further term to peruse and
consider them. It is, to be sure, a subject of enormous interest. For that very
. reason his readers — many of them at least — will be anxious rather to learn the
author's conclusions and see the evidence marshalled to reach them, in the manner
of a considered judicial pronouncement, than to busy themselves with the details
and comparative irrelevancies that are inevitable in the course of the trial. This
will be more particularly the case with those who are not anthropologists or
specially students of comparative religion ; and of such readers the attraction of
Professor Frazer's writing has gathered a large and increasing number. But even
his disciples in the study of comparative religion, to whom many of the facts here
set forth will be familiar, will prefer not to wait until the twentieth volume to
ascertain whither their master is leading them.

No doubt the very details, and even irrelevancies (if such there be), are
abundantly interesting, and are made doubly so by the author's ma.nner of presenta-
tion. It would be rank ingratitude to forget this. No doubt also from time to time
he allows portions of his conclusions to peep through his descriptions or to direct
the various and often incisive comments, both incidental and those with which he
sums up the practices of the different peoples under review. So far as they do so,
however, they are fragments ; and we may be pardoned for desiring to see, within
some period ordinarily measurable to mortal men, the disjecta membra pieced

[ 148 ]

1913.] MAN. [No. 83.

together and clothed with flesh and blood by the consummate art displayed in other
works coming from the same practised hand.

Dr. Frazer begins in a business-like way by defining the object and method
of the work and the terms he intends to use. The method he states is historical,
though in the present volume, dealing with tribes that have no written records,
description necessarily takes the place of history. Starting from the lowest known
savages, the rites and beliefs examined do indeed disclose progress as we go to the
more advanced. It does not follow that the more elaborate rites and higher beliefs
have all evolved in the same way, or from exactly the same stage that we find
among the lowest savages. Whatever the original germ was, its evolution has been
modified, if not by what Dr. Frazer calls the inward experience, at all events by
the outward experience, of every several people. In other words, there is a definite
correlation between rite and belief on the one hand, and the organisation, external
environment, and general civilisation of a people on the other hand. The author by
implication insists on this repeatedly; and it should be remembered, lest his use of
the word " historical " to designate his method lead to misconception.

Another term liable to misconception is " immortality." It is perhaps unfortunate
that he has chosen it to express " life after death," though no other single word
would convey the meaning. But he takes care to explain that, as he uses it, it
means simply the survival of a conscious human personality after death, without any
implication as to the length of that survival. It is one of the inconsistencies of
savage belief that, though many tribes do not recognise the necessity of death, holding
that death is invariably due to witchcraft or to envious or malicious spirits (whether
human or non-human), they still vaguely say of the departed of their own tribe whom
they have forgotten, when pressed on the subject, that they have ceased to exist, or
even expressly assert, like the Fijians here mentioned, or the Dyaks of Borneo, that
there is a death beyond death, whereby the soul is utterly annihilated.

Professor Frazer points out that he is by no means dealing with the whole of
savage religion. The cult of the dead is only a part of it. Concerning euhemerism
he says : " Regarded as a universal explanation of the belief in gods it is certainly
" false ; regarded as a partial explanation of the belief it is unquestionably true ;
" and perhaps we may even go further and say that the more we penetrate into the
" inner history of natural religion the larger is seen to be the element of truth con-
" tained in euhemerism." Possibly he may, in the course of future volumes, give
reasons for the faith that is in him. Meanwhile I may be allowed to enter a caveat-
so far as concerns Kibuka, the war-god of the Baganda, to whom he casually refers
on a later page. Admitting that this deity's story is " more or less mythical," as it
unquestionably is, he expresses the opinion that " his personal relics, which are iio*v
" deposited in the Ethnological Museum at Cambridge, suffice to prove his true
" humanity." That these personal relics are of human origin there need be no doubt.
But that comes very far short of proving the true humanity of Kibuka. Europe in
both Pagan and Christian times swarmed with false relics ; and doubtless it has plenty
still, despite repeated purifications in which popes, as well as lesser ecclesiastics, have
taken part. I have adduced elsewhere (xxiii, Folk-Lore, 136-37) other reasons for
scepticism as to the true humanity of Kibuka and his brother Mukasa. Here I will
only insist that the existence of alleged personal relics is an utterly insufficient
proof.

Passing from the preliminary lecture, before entering on the main subject, two
lectures are devoted to the savage theories on the subject of death and myths on
its origin. After a careful analysis of these, the author points out that some eminent
modern biologists have been led by a consideration of the lower organisms to agree

L 149 ]

No. 83.] MAN. [1913.

with the savage view that death is not a natural necessity. This is not the only
subject on which scientific speculation agrees with that of the lower culture, though
of course it is founded on quite different considerations. In the present case death
is held to he an innovation for the good of the breed, to prevent exhaustion of the
food supply and the deterioration of the race.

The body of the work is chiefly a reproduction of the accounts of missionaries
»nd scientific explorers of the beliefs of the various peoples named on the title-
page, as explicitly stated by themselves, and of the rites and practices from which
belief is to be inferred. It need only be said here that, given the scale on which
Dr. Frazer has treated them, their treatment leaves little to be desired. We find all
his conscientious, even meticulous accuracy, his care amid the details to bring out
the important aspects,- and his illuminating and frequently humorous comment.

There may be some doubt whether the author is right in regarding the com-
memorative ceremonies of the Arunta as originally intended to multiply the totemic
animal or plant. In view of the fact that the magical ceremonies are divorced from
the commemorative in the most northerly tribes, and that even among the Warramunga
the magical purpose said to exist in. the minds of the people is hardly visible in the
commemorative rites themselves, the question of the original purpose of the com-
memorative ceremonies demands careful reconsideration. Here we may note that
although the cult of the dead is in an undeveloped condition throughout Australia,
Messrs. Spencer and Grillen seem to have somewhat overstated the facts when they
say that " amongst the Central Australian natives there is never any idea of appealing
*' for assistance to any one of these Alcheringa ancestors in any way, nor is there
" any attempt made in the direction of propitiation," except in the case of the
Wollunqua snake. Their own description of the treatment of the churinga, which
are mysteriously associated with, if not in some sense an embodiment of, the ancestors,
indicates both propitiation and appeals for assistance, if in a crude and rudimentary
form. One thing that has operated among the central tribes, if nowhere else, to
retard the evolution of the cult of the dead has been the highly systematized belief
in re-incarnation. Where such a belief is less systematized it does not seem to have
that effect.

Is the conjecture well founded that the cutting and wounding by mourners over
the corpse or the grave in Australia and the islands of Torres Straits were intended
to strengthen the dead ? The blood of sacrificial victims is so represented in Homer ;
but. those victims were not human, and it was not shed at a funeral ceremony. The
twelve Trojan youths whom Achilles slew at the pyre of Patroklos were slaughtered
out of unsatiated revenge, or perhaps to accompany him as slaves to Hades. Whatever
may have been the reason, we are not told that their blood was shed upon the corpse,
still less that the ghost imbibed it and was strengthened. We are not even definitely
told that this was the purpose of lashing the boys on the grave of Pelops. But
even if we had been told so, it would not follow that what was true in Greek
barbarism would be equally true in a more savage society and quite a different
environment. Moreover, in the final burial ceremony among the Arunta, in which
blood is freely spilt on the grave by women who stand in certain relations to the
deceased, that specific rite is immediately preceded by Avhat Dr. Frazer accurately
describes as a ghost -hunt, beginning at the camp where the man died, chasing
the unhappy ghost thence to the grave, and beating and stamping it down into the
earth. When it is over the mourning is ended, and though the ghost is still per-
mitted to watch over his friends, guard them from harm, and even visit them in
dreams, he must abstain from frightening them. It does not look as if the intention
were to strengthen him, but rather to preclude him as far as possible from any

.[ 150 ]

1913.] MAN. [No. 83-84.

activity that may incommode the survivors. If the offering of blood be meant to
do more than unite the deceased, on the principles of magic, by one more bond in
mystic relation with the survivors, before committing him to his last home, the
meaning is at least not obvious.

But to comment in this way on the various passages of this profoundly interesting
book that offer themselves to observation would occupy far greater space than any
reasonable reviewer would dare to ask. I must content myself with adding one or
two summary notes. I could have wished that Professor Frazer had taken advantage
of the opportunity to consider somewhat more fully the position of that strange little
people, the Mafulu, who seem from Mr. Williamson's careful account of them to be
equally innocent of magic and religion. Or to put it more exactly, they seem, despite
a relatively advanced civilisation, to have magic and religion merely in germ. Probablv
more exploration must be done among themselves and their neighbours before we can
understand them ; but we should have been glad to learn whether Dr. Frazer could
have given us any clue to their peculiar cultural development. He protests warmly,
but not too strongly, against the tendency in some quarters to deny reasoning to the
savage. Such denial is too often based on insufficient acquaintance with savage
mentality and motives, and impatience with a mode of reasoning starting from postulates,
and therefore reaching conclusions, often the opposite of ours. Weighty incidental
observations on the economic, mental, and moral effects on humanity of the belief in
the life after death are scattered through the volume ; and the final summing up of
these effects, and of the arguments for and against the general truth of the belief, is
very impressive. On the latter point, as on another of equal, if not greater import-
ance, the author avows himself in that condition of philosophic doubt in which
probably many more scientific men find themselves than care to say so.

A tribute, as generous as it is just and eloquent, to the late Andrew Lang, at
the opening of the tenth lecture, should not pass unnoticed.

E. SIDNEY HARTLAND.

Java. Scheltema.

Monumental Java. By J. F. Scheltema, M.A. Pp. xviii -f 302, with
illustrations and vignettes after drawings of Javanese Chandi Ornaments by
the Author. Price 12*. 6d. net. London : Macmillan & Co., Ltd., 1913.

The author of this little book deals in the first part with the history of the
island, taken mostly from native sources, while in the second, he gives a general
survey of the various ruins dotted over Mid and Eastern Java ; to this is added
a very short description of the more important buildings, culminating with Boro-
Boudour, to which he devotes two chapters at the end of the book.

We would hardly describe the temples of the Dieng Plateau as being the finest
in Java, although certainly they are the oldest. Fergusson, writing on this group,
distinctly says, " They are not remarkable either for their size or the beauty
'' of their details." And again, it is somewhat misleading to say that the ground
plan of the Chaudi Kalasan is in the form of a Greek Cross ; the photograph on
Plate XIX shows that it is square, with one projection on each side, and furthermore
the building contains five, not four chambers, viz. : a large square chamber in the
centre with four small chapels round it. Access to the large chamber is ouly gained
through the eastern one.

Coming, on page 188, to Mr. Scheltema's comments on the ruinous state of the
Chandi Pelahosan, we find the passage, "... part has been broken to pieces
*' by treasure-hunters who dug holes and sunk shafts, disturbing the foundations of
" the Chandi Plahosan in their inorance of the difference between Buddhist

No. 84.] MAN. [1913.

" monasteries and Hindu mausolea built round funeral pits,1' and Dr. Groneman,
writing on this same temple, says, " we are sorry to think that they were destroyed
" or removed by devastating treasure-seekers who broke the floors and dug up the
" earth underneath, not knowing that there could be .no graves in the rooms of
" these monasteries."

The author states that the twenty-two scenes on the right and left of the
staircase of Chandi Mendoot are partly lost and wholly damaged, but this is
incorrect. On the left or north side there are ten jatakas ; of these only one is
wholly damaged, two partly damaged, and the rest are entire. It is to be regretted
that the description of this beautiful temple is so meagre, and that the superb
monolithic figure of the Buddha — said to possess the most perfect Buddha face in
existence — should be disposed of in a few lines. It is now some five years since
this statue was restored to its original position, so that neither the photograph
No. XXV, nor the statement that it has "slid down from its pedestal," are quite
up to date.

Although Dr. Groneman also uses the term " polygonous " to the Japanese
temples, we do not think this is the accepted meaning of the word, even if the
temples are "many-cornered." The author seems to have copied what is obviously
a printer's error in Fergusson's Eastern Architecture where he writes, " Naha Vihara "
for " Maha Vihara." We should like to know what a " stupa-linga " is, and also
why Mr. Scheltema, who has travelled in the East, and ought to know better,
persists in calling a Chinese a u Chinaman ? " We thought this was a prerogative
of schoolboys and comic singers.

It is only right and proper that the author, in dealing with Eastern architecture,
should use Sanskrit terms, but why introduce German, Dutch, Spanish, French,
Italian, Latin, and Greek ? On page 129, for instance, we find phrases in no less
than five languages. Mr. Scheltema speaks of " a Polynesian bias to ancestor-
worship " ; now in the great diversity of the religious beliefs held by these peoples
there is nothing to show that they were ancestor-worshippers. In another place he
deplores the fact that the Dutch Government and natives alike used the ruined
temples as quarries. But in what country or in what age has this not been done !
Did not Cairo come from Cheops and Christian churches from Pagan amphitheatres ?

The best chapters are those dealing with Boro-Boudour and its approach, and
the tribute Mr. Scheltema pays to Major Van Eerp is well deserved. The Dutch
Government are to be congratulated in selecting him to carry out the strenuous work
of restoring Boro-Boudour. This work has now been carried out, and in a way
worthy of the best traditions of the School of Archaeology. A comparison of the
photographs Nos. XXXIX and XL is a good example of what has been achieved.

The seated Buddha figures (at Boro-Boudour) enclosed in the perforated dagobs on
the three circular terraces suggest, perhaps, the idea that the Buddha had now reached
a state whereby he is now only dimly visible, as through a mist, to his beholders,
while in the central and crowning dagob he had passed altogether beyond the realm
of human vision.

There is a useful bibliography at the end of the book, which, however, brings
out the fact that there are comparatively few works in the English language on the
subject of Javanese archaeology, so that the present volume is all the more welcome.
The addition of a map, such as that published by the Royal Packet Company, where
the ruined sites are marked in red, would greatly assist the reader in seeing at a
glance the position and distribution of these temples of Java.

J. COOPER CLARK.

Printed by EYBE AND SPOTTISWOODE, LTD., His Majesty's Printers, East Harding Street, B.C.

PLATE K.

MAN, 1913.

THE EARLIEST PERFECT TOMBS.

1913.] MAN. [No. 85.

ORIGINAL ARTICLES.

Egypt: Archaeology. With Plate K. Petrie.

The Earliest Perfect Tombs. By W. M. Flinders Petrie, D.C.L., F.R.S. ftC

While burials below the surface abound in Egypt and most other lands, Ou
and have been published by the thousand, the above-ground structure of tombs is
very rarely preserved. In the great cemetery of Tarkhan, forty miles south of Cairo,
which I have excavated during the past two years, some tombs of the 1st Dynasty
(5500 B.C.) have the upper structures in perfect preservation, owing to having been
quickly buried in drifted sand. Three of these are here illustrated.

At the top are shown two brick tombs with curved tops (Nos. 2,039, 2,040),
dating from the time of King Zet, the middle of the 1st Dynasty. On the right is
seen a part of the large mastaba of brick (No. 2,038) with recessed facing. In the
recess nearest to the spectator is the flooring of wood remaining, which marks the
main recess for offerings. To the left of the face is the gangway around the mastaba ;
to the left of that is the fender wall which runs around the whole. In the gangway
of this and another mastaba (each over 100 feet long), were several tombs of the
dependants. The two shown here are built of brick, plastered with mud% and white-
washed. On the top of each are two slight recesses in the form of a doorway, by
which the soul was supposed to go out and in.

On cutting these tombs open at the top (carefully leaving the sides perfect), it
was found that the bricks had been laid over a pile of sand, which supported them
when plastered. Ou digging down there were first three or four jars lying at the
sides, about 3 feet down. Below these was a papyrus sleeping mat, too long to go
into the pit, and therefore turned up about 2 feet at one end. Under the mat was
a lid of loose boards laid over a roughly-made box coffin, in making which old house
timber had bean used up. The burials were contracted, head north, face east, on
left side, accompanied by some small pottery and gazelle bones.

In the middle view is a small mastaba. The four pots standing upright in the
large square are those found in the anciently-robbed grave which is beneath them.
The whole square was originally filled with sand, forming a mound banked round
by a brick wall about a foot high. Such is the type of the Royal Tombs of the
1st Dynasty on a larger scale. The view is taken with the sand emptied out so far
to show the depth of the wall. Nearer the spectator is the little court for offerings,
only 2 or 3 feet square. The original whitewash covering may be seen still on
parts of the wall. In the tomb wall are two slits, at which the offerings were pre-
sented, for their virtue to descend to the dead. Outside of the offering court are the
rough pots in which offerings had been brought at the various festivals ; the jars
were then left derelict at the place. This mastaba (No. 740) dates from sequence
date 78 — just before, or early in the reign of, Mena, the beginning of the 1st Dynasty.

The lower view shows a perfect burial (No. 1,845), slightly earlier, sequence
date 77, rather before the 1st Dynasty. Here the whole of the sand filling has been
removed, and the body is seen lying quite perfect, head south, face west, contracted.
The jars are around it, and between the knees and the arms is an alabaster bowl with
a slate palette upon it. Outside of the mastaba wall, at the right, is seen at the back
the offering court, with pans lying upside down in it ; nearer is the stack of jars left
from the offerings. Pottery of this type is seldom found in the graves ; while the
types found in graves are not found in stacks of offerings. From the contemporary
pottery of this town at Abydos we see that the grave pottery was that in common
use ; the stack pottery, left subsequently, was apparently only made for such a
transient purpose.

From over a thousand graves cleared this year of Dynasties 0 and 1, the British
School has secured measures of over 600 skeletons (taken by Mr. Thompson), the

[ 153 ]

No. 85-86.]

MAN.

[1913.

largest group all within a century that has been recorded. These indicate that the
population of females was homogeneous, while the males are of two groups, one about
a tenth of the other. It appears that from prehistoric days there had been a slow
mixture of the dynastic race, shortening the male statue from about 69^ to 67^ inches,
and then came in the pure dynastic clan of only 66^ inches. Subsequently these
gradually mixed with the older race, and the stature rose to about 69 inches again in
the 6th Dynasty. Seventy skulls have been preserved by soaking in paraffin wax ; the
bones were, unfortunately, too fragile to be lifted, and were all measured as they lay
in the earth. The results will all be published in Tarkhan II.

A large cemetery of the 12th and 13th Dynasties has also been excavated by
the British School this year, finding many important objects, including very fine
inlaid jewellery. These results will appear in Riqqeh and Memphis VI.

W. M. FLINDERS PETRIE.

Borneo, British North. Evans.

On a Collection of Stone Implements -from the Tempassuk
District, British North Borneo. By Ivor H. N. Evans, B.A.

The series of stone implements with which this article deals were collected by
the writer during the year 1911 while he was stationed at Kotabelud, the Government

FIG. I.

post in the Tempassuk district of British North Borneo. All the specimens figured in
Figs. I. and II., with the exception of Fig. I., No. 4, and possibly Fig. II., No. 3,
appear to have been intended for use as adze-heads. The materials from which the
implements are manufactured are of various kinds, Nos. 1, 2, and 5 of Fig. I. being

[ 154 ]

1913.]

MAN.

[No. 86.

of hornstone ; No. 3 of Fig. I., Nos. 1 anil 2 of Fig. II., and Xo. 2 of Fig. H!A. of
basalt ; and Nos. 4, 6, 7, and 8 of Fig. I. of soft claystone, such as is common in the
district. These are, as far as the writer knows, the first stone implements which have
been recorded from British North Borneo, although some had been previously reported
from Sarawak by Dr. A. C. Haddon and Dr. C. Hose, the latter having made an

FIG. II.

excellent collection containing fifteen specimens. All the examples described in the
present article were obtained from either Bajaws or Illanuns, divisions of which two
races inhabit the coast and lower river reaches of the Tempassuk district. Before
proceeding to describe the specimens in detail it may be as well to make a few
remarks as to the native ideas concerning the origin of such stones. It must be
understood that no worked stone implements are now in use in the district, and those
found are thought by the natives to have fallen from the skies as thunderbolts.
" Gigi guntor," the name given to them by the Bajaws, signifies thunder teeth, and
the writer has seen an old native placing the implements in his mouth, saying, " Yes,
" this stone would probably have been a front tooth, and this a back tooth of the
" spirit of thunder."* In consequence of their supposed celestial origin, it need
hardly be said that stone implements are highly valued as charms and amulets, and
that sometimes an owner will not part with his specimen, however tempting an offer

FIG. III.

may be made him. There seems, moreover, in many cases a positive dislike on the
part of the possessor to showing them.f One native who had refused to name a
price for a specimen said to the writer : " I only let you see it because you are the

* It is interesting to note that this reference to a meteoric origin of implements and other stones
which appear to have been derive! from sources not clearly suggested by anything found in the
district is prevalent in many widely separated countries. The Greeks gave the name Kipawin
\iOoc to the stone hatchets which they found sporadically on the surface of the ground. They
sometimes carved gnostic characters on them, and the implements appear in the cult of Zeus. In
our own country the belemnite of the midland counties and the lumps of marcasite in the chalk
are to the workmen " thunderbolts."

f Possibly owing to some idea that letting others see th~> charm would diminish its potency.

C 155 ]

No. 86.]

MAN.

[1913.

" Tuan ; if it was anyone else I would not show it"; and on going outside was
heard to say to a friend : " How could I possihly wish to sell my talisman ? " A
collection cannot, therefore, he got together without a good deal of trouhle and some
expense. Stone implements are used as charms in various manners ; sometimes they
are worn stitched into a special sash which is tied round the waist, and sometimes
they are kept in the large tancobs or store vessels for unhusked rice which are
found in every native house, their office apparently being to guard the padi and to
keep it in good condition. When the young rice is just in leaf, water in which a
stone implement has been placed is often sprinkled over it to insure the success of
the crop. The small adze-head No. 1 of Fig. II. is said to have been used in the
last epidemic of small-pox in the district, when water in which it had been placed
was given to the patients to drink as a remedy. In cock-fighting, stone implements
are much used as charms, for it is said that the spurs of a cock which have been
rubbed with the charm must cause deep wounds in the opposing bird, while krisses

also which
have been
treated in
a similar
manner are
credited
with always
i n fl i c t i n g
very serious
w o u u d s.
The collec-
tion shows
a curious
assemblage
of type?,
for instance,
No. 2 of

Fig. I., if no locality Avere given, might well be ascribed to the Hervey
Islands.

The question of the use of implements of soft stone, such as Nos. 4, 6, 7, and 8
of Fig. I., is extremely interesting. They are found in many countries, Great
Britain included, and are often stated to have been used for ceremonial purposes.
Possibly in some cases they were buried with corpses or placed on the grave, taking
the place of the more valuable hard stone implements of the deceased with which
the heirs did not wish to part. This substitution of valueless copies is common in
many parts of the world, notably in China ; and undoubtedly the valuables of
deceased persons were at first buried with them, until cupidity invented the excuse
that a spirit being only a shadowy sort of individual, shadowy belongings were quite
good enough for his use in the next world. In some cases implements of soft stone
were, however, probably used for light work, and possibly No. 4 of Fig. I. may have
been used for scraping out the pith of the sago palm. It is noticeable that the
implements figured on Fig. I. all show a similarity of design, and appropriate to
what Dr. Haddon has, rather happily, termed the roof type, from its resemblance to
the roof of a house viewed from above (No. 1).

Nos. 1 and 2 and the wooden model No. 3 of Fig. III/v. are very curious
examples, since they have at one end two cutting edges separated by a groove ;
these would form a double cutting edge if they were used as adzes. This,
however, does not appear to have been the case, since No. 2 has " grip-marks,"

[ 156 ]

FIG. 1IU.

1913.]

MAN.

[No. 86,

which seem to be either depressions made by the constant friction of the hands of
many generations on the stone in using it or else purposely made for affording a
good grip of the implement. The writer inclines to the former opinion. If the
depressions are grip marks the method of their formation is of less importance than
the manner in which the implements were held and the purpose for which they
were used. On the other hand, it is possible that these marks show where the
instrument was lashed into a haft ; though it is hard to see for what purpose an
axe of this description could ever have been used.

Returning to the " grip mark " theory ; the depression a, from its shape, seems
to have been made by (or for) the base of the thumb, Avhile those marked b and c
were formed by (or for) the fingers, the small ridge d between them corresponding
to the space between the second and third fingers. The model No. 3 of Fig. III.

4

FIG. IV.

has also a depression for the base of the thumb and, as in No. 2, a slightly convex
surface on one side, which, on the above assumption as to the method of holding,
would be directed towards the palm of the hand. With regard to the large
specimen, No. 1 of Fig. IIlA., it is probably a partly finished implement which has
b-aen to some extent used. The reasons for the latter conclusion will be found given
below. Mr. J. Jennings, of Newmarket, when he saw the model, suggested that the
implements had probably been used for rubbing down and finishing coir or other
rope which had been newly dressed with a resinous gum ; stating that during his
residence in the New Hebrides he had seen lengths of bamboo with forks cut in
them used for the same purpose. On examining the specimens Nos. 1 and 2 it
was found that the proximal portion of the groove (i.e., the portion of the groove
nearest the body of the holder) was considerably more worn in both, than the distal.

[ 157 ]

No. 86-87.] MAN. [1913.

This is not shown in the model, but it is possibly due to unfaithful copying.
Taking into consideration the evidence that the implements Avere used in the way
indicated, and the uneven wear of the groove, the theory does not seem at all
improbable.

On Fig. 4 are shown various flakes of red chert together with one core of the
same material.* These flakes are extremely abundant in the lower portions of the
Tempassuk district, and can be found in numbers on the smaller foot-hills. No. 1 is,
however, the only specimen of a core which the writer has seen, nor has he yet come
across a completed implement in this material. Chert, which is named by the
natives " batu api " (fire stone), is used to the present day for striking a light.
Natives, on being asked in what way the stone is dressed for the tinder-box, replied
that either a convenient piece was picked up from the ground or a large lump
thrown against a rock, when any suitable fragments could easily be collected. This
seems to dispose of the possibility of the flakes and cores being of modern origin.
The majority of the flakes show an extremely well-developed bulb of percussion.

IVOR H. N. EVANS.

America, South : Chile. Evans.

A Note on the Occurrence of Turquoise in Northern Chile. By Q"J

Oswald H. Evans, F.G.S. Of

The turquoise has long been associated as a gem-stone with the pre-European
culture of Mexico, where it was extensively employed for inlaid work in stone, bone,
and wood, and its use in the same manner has continued to the present day among
the Pueblo folk of the northern continent.

The rarer occurrence of the turquoise, used for similar purposes in pre-Spanish
Peru, as exampled in objects discovered in the Macabi Islands and elsewhere, has
inevitably suggested a communication with the advanced cultures of the north,
especially in view of the fact that turquoise was not known to exist in western
South America.

It is, therefore, of some interest to record the information that turquoise occurs
well within the limits of the ancient Peruvian culture region, and that there is direct
evidence of its use by the early inhabitants of the district surrounding the point of
origin of the 'material.

It should be mentioned that Domeyko (Jfm., Ed. Ill) "refers to turquoise as
" an earthy cupriferous aluminium phosphate from San Lorenzo, Chile " (Dana,
Mineralogy, 6th Edition), but this substance cannot be classed as a gem-stone.

The material to which I desire to call attention is found in northern Chile,
inland from the port of Chanaral de las Animas, at a place called Cerro del Indio
Muerto, in the mining district of Pueblo Hundido. The turquoise, which is not of
high quality, is found here in a true vein, and the numerous Indian graves which
have been opened in the neighbourhood by treasure seekers have yielded abundant
evidence of the use of the stone in personal ornament.

The turquoise occurs in the graves in the form of rounded pellets, pierced for
suspension as beads, and also in perforated cylinders " like pieces of pipe-stem."
Arrow heads and broken pottery are to be met in profusion as in most centres of
former Indian activity throughout this region.

I am indebted to my friend Mr. John Southward, for some time a resident in
Chanaral, for the above details. It is very probable that the turquoise formed part
of the tribute exacted from the desert tribes by their Peruvian masters, although

* I have to thank Dr. Marr and Mr. J. Romanes, of the Cambridge University Geological
Museum, for identifying as a radiolarian chert the rock which forms the material of the cores and
flake-,

[ 158 ]

1913.]

MAN.

[No. 87-88.

I have no direct evidence that it was so. I may state, however, that I found a
material which was probahly turquoise (although at the time I did not recognise it
as such) in small fragments in a grave in Hueso Parado, Taltal, described by me in
MAN, 1906, 12. OSWALD H. EVANS.

Bates.

Africa : Marmarica.
Nomad Burials in Marmarica. By Oric Bates, B.A., F.R.G.S.

The traveller in Marmarica, or in the desert hinterland of Cyrenaica, from
time to time encounters small stone structures which prove, upon examination, to
be sepulchral. Some of these monuments — probably the greater part of them — are
of recent date, others belong to a period at least as early as Roman. The present
paper, the materials for which were collected iu 1910, is a brief description of graves
of both classes.

I. The Recent Burials. — To excavate a grave for the interment of an adult
human body is in the desert parts of Marmarica a task beyond the energies or skill

FIG. 1.

u

FIG. 2.

of the nomadic inhabitants, owing to the hardness of the miocene limestone of the
Libyan plateau. The bodies of those, therefore, who have died at a distance from
the oases or the fertile littoral zone, are protected by being enclosed within walls
made of small surface stones. These walls are generally about 75 to 125 cms. high,
and are usually circular or elliptical in plan (Figs, la, \b ; 2a, 26). It often happens,
especially near the regular halting places, that, to economise labour, one or more
graves are built against one already existing, the result being a poly-cellular structure
such as that shown in Figs. 3a, 36.

A flat stone in or on the grave wall often bears rudely incised markings indicating
the tribe to which the dead man belonged. As far as I had an opportunity for
observing, these inscribed stones were placed in the south-westerly part of the wall,
and they were of considerable interest, as the signs cut on them recalled strongly,
now those of the Tifinagh alphabet of the West, and now those of the minor Semitic
alphabets (Safaitic, Tharnudenian, Libyanic) of the East. A large collection of these
signs would have considerable archaeological interest ; the few which I was able to
copy are presented in Fig. 4a, &c.*

* For others, see J. M. S. Scholz : Voyage d'Alez-andrie a Par&tonium, Leipzig, 1822, pp. 53, 56, 57.

[ 159 ]

No. 88.]

MAN.

[1913.

The bodies in the grave enclosures, wrapped in cloths, were laid on the back,
fully extended in the orthodox Moslem manner, with the face turned towards Mekkah.
Over the body was regularly deposited a thin layer of coarse gravel and pebbles,
scraped up from the ungenerous surface of the desert. The rest of the enclosure,
when near a haftiah^ was often seen to be filled up with brush or thorn, to keep
off the foxes and jackals.

In some cases in which the occupant of a grave was in reality, or has in time

come to be, venerated
as a sheikh, the lonely
grave is marked with a
pennon — a rude wand,
brought from an oasis
or from the coast, has
had tied to one end a
square or irregular strip
of white cotton, which
flutters above the grave
in memory of the virtue
and piety of the de-
ceased. Such signals
are common in Africa
Minor and the Sudan.
In Marmarica the pass-
ing cameleer often stops
to pray at a sepulchre
of this sort, and near
FiG- 3, Bir-el-Kenais I saw one

I/ of my men stand by

such a grave, draw his hands downwards over his face several times, and then rap
smartly thrice with his camel-stick on the wall of the grave.

There is no reason to suppose that any of the graves of the type just described
are pre-Islamic, the evidence all pointing to their having been constructed since the
Mahomedan conquest of Africa.

II. The Ancient Burials. — Besides the Grasco-Egyptian rock-cut tombs found in
all the habitable oases of the Si wan group, there are at several places small cemeteries
of ancient

graves of the A 4- > O — O O

type known
in the Alge-
rian Sahara
as the regem-
t y p e (plur.
a r g e m ) .

These more nearly resemble in form the Moslem burials described above than they
do any of the grave forms, ancient or modern, employed by the sedentaries of the
oases. Graves of a very similar character, and of the same date as those in ques-
tion, have been found here and there within a few hours west of the Nile Valley,
and according to native information occur on the northern confines of the Libyan
plateau.

f From La* e superiore loco in inferiorem deposuit : " an alighting place." A " clean-up " in the
plateau, in which there grow scantily clumps of gazelle-grass, camel-thorn, &c. Such places, affording
a little grazing and being free from stones, are if possible chosen for halts when on the march.

[ 160 ]

d

FIG. 4.

-h

h

1913.]

MAN.

[No. 88.

The graves of this type which I myself saw were at Gerbah oasis, some 15 miles
\\.X.W. from Siwah town. This oasis serves as a camping ground for the southern
camel patrols of H.H. Egyptian Coast Guards, and I had the pleasure of being
there for some time as the guest of Major L. V. Royle, of that service. It was
through this officer's kindness that I had at my disposal men to open the graves
I wished to examine, and was able during my stay to record a number of them.
The graves were regularly placed on the edge of the plateau which encircles the
oasis. Often there were, in the immediate vicinity, Graeco-Egyptian rock tombs
excavated in the cliff; but from the general distribution of the argem-type throughout
Eastern Libya, and from the poverty of many of the rock tombs, I incline to believe
that the argem are the graves of nomads who, like the modern Arabs, periodically
visited the oases, rather than the graves of poor sedeutaries.

As typical examples of these Gerbah burials the following may be cited : —

No. 1. N.E. part of Gerbah, on cliff. Plundered grave, consisting of a cairn,

elliptical in plan, made of small flat stones, 700 x 600 x 135 (lit.) cms. (Figs. 5o, 56).

The upper stones had been partly removed, and beneath those which remained was

found a sort of cist, 200 X 50 cms., rectangular in plan, built on the major axis of

Infant

FIG. 6.

FIG. 5.

FIG. 7.

the cairn (Fig. 5«). The sides of the cist were made of flatfish stones set on
edge. These were roofed by others like them, laid flat across. Major axis, S.E.
and N.W.

No. 2. S. part of Gerbah, behind Coast Guard camp, on spur of cliff. Same
type as preceding. Cairn, 550 X 500 x 65 (ht.) cms. ; cist, 190 X 70 cms. ; major
axis, E. and W. Burial of an adult woman, on back, head west, hands folded on
pelvis. Plundered at head, which suggests that bead necklaces are sometimes found
on these bodies. Outer body wrappings of coarse linen cloth of simplest weave ; on
removal, a long splint (the mid-rib of a palm-frond) was seen at each side, bound
with bands of linen (tied in reef knots) across the body and feet, as shown in Fig. 6.
The inner wrappings, round which passed the bands just mentioned, were of the
same coarse fabric as the outer cloths, but fringed. Lying inside the cist with the
woman, at her feet, was the body of a child under a year in age. On the woman's
right hand were the two base silver rings shown in Figs. 7a, 7b. One of these rings
was a mere wire, the other had on it a blunt depression imitating the intaglio of a
signet.

No. 3. Same location as No. 2. Large cairn, 700 x 600 x 200 cms. ; cist,
200 X 95 cms., placed at right angles to the major axis of the cairn (E. and W.),

No. 88-89.] MAN. [1913.

not in the centre, but nearer the west end (see Fig. 8). Body of man, same position
as body in No. 2, head south. Reduced to skeleton ; traces of wrappings on bones.
Skull a well-defined quadrated ellipsoid ; teeth good.

No. 4. A little S.E. of the Coast Guard camp, on spur of cliff. Same type as
No. 1. Cairn, 400 X 250 x 150 cms. ; cist, in middle, along major axis of cairn,
120 x 50 cms. Burial of male (?), body on back, head west. Wrappings of coarse

+ 3m

FIG. S.
FIG. 8.

linen, pinned over breast with neatly made little pegs of wood, square in cross-section.
Skull, acute pentagonoid.

No. 5. Same location, same type as preceding, and approximately same' size.
Burial of old woman, body on back, head west. Outer wrappings pinned ; inner, as
shown in Fig. 9.

Because of their distribution and their conformity to the well recognised " regem-
type," I am inclined to consider that these cairn-and-cist burials were erected by
poor nomads of Libyan stock. The period to which the graves are to be assigned
is indicated by the discovery of the base silver rings mentioned above, and by the
shards of pottery which are not infrequently associated with the cairns. Both the
shards and the rings are late Roman or early Byzantine. The graves therefore
belong to the fourth or fifth centuries of the present era. ORTC BATES.

Abyssinia : Archaeology. Thesiger.

Account of the Newly-discovered Ruins at Sellali. By Wilfred G.
Thesiger.

For many years past it has been known by the local inhabitants that the present
little round church, built in the usual Abyssinian style with thatched roof and mud
walls, stood on the ruins of an older church destroyed during the Mohammedan invasion
of Mohammed Grain, and from time to time there was even talk of digging there to
see what could be found. Nothing was, however, done until August, 1912, when Dejaz
Kassa, the present chief of this country, made trenches along the south wall of the
main building, where traces of the old building were most visible, and also along the
south wall of the first enclosure.

These trenches, which are about three feet deep, laid bare the base of a square
building, on which was carved the pattern of interlaced arches, marked I on the
enclosed drawings. The carving is in low relief on large square slabs of stone some
four inches thick, which were fixed in some way to the face of the wall, which, so
far as one can judge, must have been about four feet in width. The pattern of
inverted steps and the moulding on which both rest is carved on smaller stones,
square cut and well fitting, but I could find no traces of lime or cement having been
used. Pattern No. I is found on the south wall on either side of the steps, and
probably runs all round the base of the building.

The patterns marked Nos. II, III, and V are found on small fragments of stone
set in the side Avails of the flight of stairs which led down from the south door to
the inner courtyard, but are evidently not in their original position, as each pattern
is found on a single stone irregularly placed and broken, and the corresponding stones

[ 162 ]

1913.]

MAN.

[No. 89,

Ground Plan of Bains at Tchegi

on either side show no signs of the carving having been continued. These stones

belonged evidently to another part of the destroyed building, but one cannot say by

whom or when they were placed in their present position, as the priests declared

everything remains as found when the excavations were made in August, 1912.

The original church was surrounded by a square walled enclosure some 36 feet

distant from the building itself with an

opening opposite the steps and south

door, on the inner side of which there

are traces of moulding such as is shown

in Pattern IV. This wall can be traced

on all four sides. Some 60 feet outside

the first wall are the remains of a second

rectangular enclosure, marked by mounds

of grass-grown debris, on the south and

east sides, but without further excava-
tions it is impossible to say if it also was

built of cut stone.

Plentiful remains of charcoal and cal-
cined stone go to prove that, as rumoured,

the church was destroyed by fire. The

priests showed me several long nails and

iron clamps all rusted and corroded which

were dug up in excavating the trenches

which are marked on the plan by a dotted

line. The whole site of the ruin is covered

with enormous olive and juniper trees, none of which can be less than 300 years

old, and many of which grow actually on old ruined walls.

Of the history of the original church one could gather only very scanty details.

It is reported to have been built, not by the king, but by a bishop, hence the name

which it still bears — Itchege. Whether it had anything to do with the monastery

of Debra Libanos, which is
oniy gome five hours dis-
tant, they could not tell
me, but it is said always
to have been a place of
especial sanctity.

This ruin appears to
me to have three special
points of interest — firstly,
its position so far to the
south, where with the
exception of the ancient
establishment of Debra Li-
banos no other ruins of a
similar kind are known to
exist ; secondly, the excel-

ExcavationsMarked Ihus

lence of the carved work,
~ which I believe would be

noticeable even in the north, and the fact that the pattern of interlaced arches,
although often found in early European buildings, has not as yet, so far as I can
ascertain, been found on any other ruins in this country ; and thirdly, that the
evidence of the date of its destruction tends to prove the impossibility of the

[ 1G3 ]

No. 89-90.] MAN. [1913.

Portuguese having had any hand in building it, unless it was designed by the
painter Branca Leon or the Portuguese ambassador, Peter Corvilla, both of whom
arrived in Abyssinia about 1470, but there appear to be no records of their having
done any work of this kind, although the former decorated existing churches and
gave great offence by not adhering to local convention. The mission of Koderigo
de Lima, which remained in this country from 1520 to 1525, were certainly other-
wise occupied than in building churches for a king Avho would neither do business
with them nor allow them to depart, and in 1527 the province of Selluli was laid
waste by Mohammed Grain, which is probably the date at which this church or some
later construction raised on the same site was destroyed.

I am inclined to believe that at the time of the invasion of Mohamed Grain
the original building was already a mere ruin on the debris of which the Abyssinians
had built a church of their own, as had such buildings as this evidently was still been
standing in 1527, it appears to me impossible that even the memory of them should
by the beginning of the next century have died out so completely that the con-
struction of the convent and palaces of Father Peter Paez in 1604 should have
struck the Abyssinians with the wonder and even terror which are reported by
Bruce.

This supposition might account for the steps having been at some time roughly
repaired from the debris of the old ruins by a people ignorant of building, as is
shown by their having been unable to replace the steps themselves and only capable
of making of the old stairway an inclined slope to give access to the newer church
placed on the mound formed by the ruins of the old one.

If true this account would put the date of the original building back to a much
earlier date, probably to about the llth or 12th century, which period 1 believe I
am right in thinking the style of carving corresponds.

WILFRED G. THESIGER.

REVIEWS.
Africa, North : Anthropology. Bertholon : Chantre.

Recherches Anthropologiques dans In Berberie Orientale (Tripolitaine, Of)
Tunise, Algerie), par L. Bertholon et E. Chantre. Tome Premier : Anthropo- Ull
metric, Craniometrie, Ethnographic. Pp. 662 (fol.), 385 figs., and five maps in colour.
Tome Deuxieme : Album de 174 portraits ethniques. Frontispiece in photochrome.
A. Key, Lyon, 1913.

North Africa, according to the authors of this splendid monograph, has the
lines of an ancient galley with her prow to the east, her poop to the west, and
her keel stranded on the sands of the Sahara. She has been boarded on all sides,
by the negroes from the south, by peoples of Asia from the east, and by the
Mediterranean and European races from the north. This ancient galley — if we
may continue the simile — has been recently boarded by the gallant authors, who
have subjected the motley crew to a long and accurate investigation, the results of
which are contained in these two artistic and pictorial volumes. The authors were
well qualified for their task. Dr. Bertholon has seen Barbary for many years with
the eyes of an expert medical man, and as secretary of the Institute of Carthage, while
his collaborator, Dr. Chantre, is a well-known anthropologist of Lyons. An anthro-
pological investigation of over 8,000 of the inhabitants of Barbary has led the
authors to distinguish three chief types of man in North Africa — (1) short, dark-
complexioned long-headed people, members of the Mediterranean race ; (2) short,
dark-complexioned, brachycephalic people of less certain affinities ; (3) tall, long-
headed, rather fair people, probably descendants of a north European stock. Besides

L !6* ]

1913.] MAN. [No. 90-91.

these three, there is an important fourth type, the negro or negroid. There are
also minor types which the authors suspect to be due to intermixture of the
chief types. Numerous portraits and complete measurements are given of large
groups of individuals of all of these types. The results of their ethnographic
survey is quickly grasped from the coloured charts which accompany their statistics
and statements.

The story of North Africa as revealed in these volumes is that of every
country which has been thoroughly investigated, a story of persistence of human
type. " Centuries have passed," the authors write in their summary, " ideals have
*' changed, but the skeleton has passed from generation to generation unchanged."
The delicately modelled negro type of to-day has its ancient precursor in the
neolithic burial places of the country ; in burials of the same remote period, occur
the skeletons of the Mediterranean race, which still forms the main population of
littoral settlements and cities ; in the dolmen of Rokina occur the short-headed
dark-complexioned type which now abounds in Carthage and in the Island of Gerba.
The tall long-headed rather blonde people now found occupying the plateaux of the
interior are found in the megalithic monuments. According to the authors, they
entered Africa from Spain subsequent to the settlement of the other types.

Physical anthropology forms only a section of this work ; the authors have
construed anthropology in its widest sense, and included all that relates to the
cultural and psychical life of the people. The picture they have drawn represents
North Africa as an intrinsic part of the Mediterranean region from the most ancient
times, and participating in all the cultural waves which have spread along the
Mediterranean shores, from the Levant to the Straits of Gibraltar, since the earliest
dawn of civilisation. In many respects Barbary has preserved to a greater degree
than any other region traces of civilisations which reached its shores from Egypt,
Cyprus, Greece, thousands of years ago. The native lustrous polychrome pottery
with geometrical designs is regarded by the authors as similar to that found by
Petrie and Quibell at Nagada, arid in Cyprus by Richter, and belonging to a period
of about 2,500 B.C. This monograph will prove of the greatest value to those who
are seeking to restore the history of the ancient civilisation of the Mediterranean
basin. The authors have earned the thanks of their colleagues in all lands for the
able way they have carried out a very heavy and difficult task. A. KEITH.

New Zealand: Mythology. Smith..

The Lore of the fVhare- Wananga ; or, Teachings of the Maori College, on Q1
Religion, Cosmogony, and History, written down by H. T. Whatahoro, from U I
the Teachings of Te Matorohanga and Nepia Pohuhu, Priests of the JVhare-
Wannnaa of the East Coast, Neiv Zealand. Translated by S. Percy Smith,
President of the Polynesian Society. New Plymouth, 1913. Pp. xvii + 193.
Price 10*.

The title of the above volume explains shortly the contents of Part I., which
has been published as Vol. III. of the Memoirs of the Polynesian Society, and of
Part II., which is to follow when funds permit.

The two priests had taught in the Whare- Wananga " long before the influence
" of Christianity reached their tribe," and it is a matter of congratulation that their
knowledge was transmitted to paper before their deaths, which occurred respectively
in 1884 and 1882.

Te Whatahoro had written down this knowledge, from their dictation, 50 years
ago, and the whole is contained in several volumes deposited in the Dominion Museum,
Wellington. Much of the information contained in these volumes has recently been
copied by the Tribal Committee, known as "Tane-nui-a-rangi." The Polynesian

[ 165 ]

No. 91-92.] MAN. [1913.

Society has obtained access to these writings, and the present volume is a translation
by their President, the well-known Maori scholar, Mr. Percy Smith.

The writings are divided into " Things Celestial" and " ThingsTerrestial." Part I.
contains the former, and it is to be hoped that funds will very shortly be forthcoming
to enable the Society to publish the remaining part. A glance at the list of members
of the Society shows how very meagrely it is supported from this country (9).

To enable the reader better to understand the translation, Mr. Percy Smith has
added copious footnotes, and he rightly remarks in his introduction that "assuredly
" these ancient beliefs of a people that was, less than one hundred years ago, in the
" Stone Age will offer to the student of comparative mythology an additional light
" on the working of the mind of primitive man." This is the more so in the case
of the Maori, when one considers how absolutely his island home was cut off from
outside influence for a period which Mr. Percy Smith puts down at over two thousand
years. To those interested in the migrations of the various races of the Pacific Ocean
this book makes interesting and instructive reading. J. EDGE-PARTINGTON.

Physical Anthropology. Wrig-ht.

The Origin and Antiquity of Man. By Fred G. Wright, D.D., LL.D., QO
F.G.S.A. London : John Murray, 1913. Pp. 547. Price 8*. Ut

It is always pleasant to meet with a writer whose conceptions are definite,
dogmatic, and clearly expressed — especially when the writer has earned the right,
by years of observation, to be counted an authority on his subject. Dr. Wright has
entitled his work the Origin and Antiquity of Man, but although there is much
that concerns the antiquity in this book, there is very little that throws light on
his origin. Dr. Wright is convinced that we reached our human estate with the
Pleistocene period — which probably began not more than 80,000 years ago — " certainly
not 100,000."

It is strange that one Avho has studied for so many years the glacial and
Pleistocene geology of North America should, on the ample evidence at his disposal,
reach a conclusion so different to that of Penck, who has calculated, from his
observations in Europe, that the Pleistocene period may have lasted even 1J millions
of years. As our knowledge of man's early traces increases it becomes more and
more urgent to obtain a Pleistocene time chart, but from the statements just cited
it is clear that much has yet to be done before the geologist can supply our needs.
The lifting of the last ice sheet from North America, in Dr. Wright's opinion,
occurred at a comparatively recent date. He thinks the early civilisations of Babylon
and of Egypt may have been in their heyday while still great areas of America
and Europe, now densely populated, were buried under an ice sheet hundreds of
feet deep. If that is so, and it is hard to explain away the evidence Dr. Wright
produces of the recent disappearance of glacial conditions — then there must be some
factor which has a powerful influence on our climate and of which we know nothing
as yet.

The author is a " paroxysmalist." He refuses to accept what happens in the
present as a clue or key to what has happened in the past. " The wise evolutionist,"
he says, " leaves the field open for catastrophes — periods of rapid transformation."
He believes that the evolution of man may have occurred in bounding starts ; new
species may arise in a few hundred years, all the races of mankind may have been
differentiated in a few thousand years, civilisations and languages may appear with
a rapidity not less astonishing than the growth of Jonah's gourd. The author
quotes with approval the opinion of Dr. Bartlett as regards the origin of woman,
namely, that she was the result of " direct creation." It will thus be seen that
Dr. Wright has just as implicit faith in miracles as in science. A. KEITH.

[ 166 ]

1913.] MAN. [No. 93-94.

Religion and Folklore. Blinkenberg-.

The Thunder Weapon in Religion and Folklore, By Chr. Bliukeuberg. QO
Cambridge University Press. UU

In this excellent and unpretentious little work the author sets oat to trace the
history of the thunder weapon as it figures at various periods in Greek Art and
Literature. To do so he has gone far afield and gathered evidence from remote
and unexpected sources, much of it from modern Denmark, India, and even Thibet ;
but he uses it with discretion and restraint.

He distinguishes two primitive conceptions of the force which is active in the
thunder-stroke, or more strictly in the lightning. In the first and more widely
spread the stroke is dealt by something conceived as resembling a human weapon.
Hence comes the belief in "thunder-stones," still locally surviving. These in
modern times take various shapes, but the weapon was most often conceived as an
axe, at first naturally of stone, then later of bronze. In later times this is of course
the weapon of a thunder-god, but before anthropomorphic religion it is itself the
god, if the word may be used, and worshipped accordingly. These facts, which
seem well established, throw a welcome light on the axes which figure so largely
as objects of worship in the recent finds in Crete. They appear to represent the
earlier, as the axe of Zeus Labraundeus, in the author's opinion, represents the later
stage of the conception.

In the second conception, Avhich seems to have prevailed chiefly in Mesopo-
tamia, attention is concentrated rather on the lightning itself than on its effect.
Hence we have as its symbol, not an axe, but a conventional representation of
lightning ; some form of zigzag pattern, developing later into a pronged weapon.
This reappears in Greece as the trident of Poseidon, and with a reduplication of
the prongs, which is found also in Assyria and elsewhere, as the familiar keraunos
of Zeus. Once more the evidence is good, and it is characteristic of the writer's
sanity that he does not attempt to prove that the trident, whatever its origin, was
not a fish-spear in the eyes of the classical Greek.

The book contains much other matter of interest and well deserves study.

F. R. EARP.

Festival Volume. Various Authors.

Festskrift tillegnad Edvard Westermarck i anledning av hans F.entio&rsdag Q J
den 20. November 1912. Helsingfors, 1912. • UT

It is a pity that we have not in English a word to translate the German word
Festschrift. 'It denotes a German custom that has been found so pleasant and useful
as a means of expressing, on some appropriate occasion, congratulation, friendship,
gratitude, admiration, and at the same time of having a little say on a pet subject,
that it has been adopted almost everwhere. One of the recent examples is this
Festschrift presented to Professor Westermarck on his fiftieth birthday by some of
his pupils and friends. It contains a number of interesting articles not only in
Swedish, but also in English and German, an appropriate polyglot recognition of
the value of his wide anthropological researches. To select a few of them here as
likely to be attractive to British readers must not be held to indicate any want of
appreciation of the rest.

Dr. Haddon describes the houses of New Guinea with care, and as minutely as
his space and the accounts of his authorities allow. Nothing is lacking but a little
touch of the professional enthusiasm of the house agent to hurry the reader into
househunting in that paradise for himself. He is, however, simply laying the
foundation for an extended enquiry into the racial and cultural relations of the
different forms of houses on that great island. The points to which he finally directs

[ 167 ]

No. 94-95.] MAN. [1913

attention do not specifically include the relation of house-form to social structure,
though this problem does appear to be implied in the text of the article, and he is
far too scientific an anthropologist to overlook it. He suggests, by the way, that
tree-houses may have originated from pile-houses ; is not the converse also possible ?

A most suggestive paper, the fruit of careful observation and research, is that
by Dr. Rivers on " The Disappearance of Useful Arts in Oceania." More will be
heard of it hereafter ; and the application of his reasoning to other cultures is
certain.

Mr. Malinowski, writing on " The Economic Aspect of the Intichiuma Ceremonies,"
is undoubtedly right in asserting that without the study of religious and magical
influences any evolutionary scheme of economics must be incomplete. Economics are
inseparably interwoven with religion and magic. But whatever may be the economic
effect of the Intichiuma ceremonies as a collective and organised activity, the sus-
picion will recur that their economic intention is secondary, and not primary. Many
peoples perform ceremonies for the increase of the food supply. Such ceremonies
are nowhere so intimately bound up with the totemic organisation, and at the same
time form so large a part of the collective activities — in other words, are so much
emphasized — as among the Arunta and their immediate neighbours, the Kaitish and
Unmatjera. These are precisely the tribes among which the Central Australian
totemic system is in process of disintegration. It looks as though the consciously
economic purpose is developing at the expense of the religious purpose in their
Intichiuma ceremonies.

As some of the first-fruits of his recent expedition, Dr. Landtman recounts the
Kiwai legend of Sido (the Sida of the Reports oj the Cambridge Expedition to
Torres Straits), and exhibits its connection with the beliefs of the Kiwai-speaking
peoples in reference to the life after death and the wanderings of the departed.

Mr. Holsti's long article on " Superstitions, Customs, and Beliefs in Primitive
Warfare," lays a greatly needed stress on a side of savage life apt to be ignored by
evolutionist arguments on the competition involved in the struggle for existence. The
merely materialistic view is shown to ignore elements equally important and far-reaching.

These and other contents of the volume deserve perusal and consideration on
the part of anthropological students. E. SIDNEY HARTLAND.

ANTHROPOLOGICAL NOTE.

THE instructions to selected candidates for the Indian Civil Service of 1913 AC
have now been issued. The leading characteristics of racial types and their UU
distribution in India are to be studied in connection with and as part of Indian
History. Reprints of the articles in the Imperial Gazetteer on Ethnology and Caste,
Languages, Religions, and Vernacular Literature will be distributed to the future
rulers of India. The article on Ethnology and Caste is by the late Sir Herbert
Risley, and summarises the views which he published in the Census Report for 1901,
Chapter XI. These views have been subjected to severe criticism, even as lately as
the recent meeting of the British Association. The chapters on languages and the
vernacular literature are by Sir George Grierson, while Mr. Crooke has written the
chapter on religion. It is not too much to say that this is a great step forward, and
there is reason to hope that at long last the pertinacity of the Institute is to be
rewarded, and that in recognition of the practical value and direct importance of a
sound knowledge of the ideas and ideals of Indian society and of the manners and
customs of the peoples of India, selected candidates will be required to possess a
competent knowledge of these subjects before they are absorbed into the great machine.

Printed by EYRE AND SPOTTISWOODE, LTD., His Majesty's Printers, East Harding Street, B.C.

PLATE L.

MAN, 1913.

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1913.]

MAN.

[No. 96.

Scott Macfie.

ORIGINAL ARTICLES.
Africa, West. With Plate L.

Shongo Staffs. Ry J- W. Scott Macfic, M.A., JB.Sc.

Very long ago, so tradition relates, Shongo, the god of thunder and lightning,
visited the earth in the person of an old man. He carried for his support a staff,
the height of a man's shoulder, on the head of which were carved two faces. A
reduced copy of this staff is still used in the rites of Shongo.

During my residence at Ilorin, Northern Nigeria, in 1912, I was fortunate
enough to see two of these staffs and to obtain the following notes regarding their
use. The first was obtained at Iloffa, an Igbona town in the south-eastern part of
Ilorin, by Mr. P. M. Dwyer, the resident in charge of the province, whose knowledge
of the customs of the native peoples is unique, and to whom I am indebted for much
interesting information concerning the worship of Shongo. This staff was 30 cm.
long, and consisted of a short handle and a Janus-like head carved out of a single
piece of soft wood. In the free end of the handle a small hole had been pierced.
The head was flattened laterally, and was carved with two human faces placed back
to back, and each surmounted by a curious peaked projection. In a lateral view the
staff looked like an X resting on the top of an I, the peaked projections and the
profiles of the faces representing respec-
tively the upper and the lower parts of
the limbs of the X, and the common neck
and the handle of the staff forming the I.
Between the peaked projection and the brow
of each face there intervened a broad fillet
marked with a number of vertical cuts
which probably represented hair, and on
each side of the staff, from the point where
these fillets would have met down to the
root of the neck, extended a vertical band
carved with horizontal lines. The faces
were remarkable inasmuch as they were
certainly not negroid. The noses were
prominent, the profile of the brow continuous
with the line of the bridge of the nose, the
lips thin and pouting, and the chins narrow.
It is difficult to determine, however, to
what extent these features were the result

of design, as the carver may have been influenced by the shape of the block
of wood on which he was at work. On each cheek there were three incisions
similar to the Yoruba tribal markings, but these varied, it was said, in different
districts.

The second staff (Plate L) was brought to me from Oke Odde, and like the first
had been carved out of a single piece of wood. It measured 37 cm. in length, and
consisted of a head, a body, and a handle. The head, as in the previous example,
consisted of two faces looking in opposite directions, each surmounted by a peaked
projection. In this case, however, the faces were grotesque, with enormous misplaced
ears and slanting eyes. The body was formed by two figures placed back to back,
and facing in directions at right angles to those of the faces on the head. The one
figure represented a man playing a flute, and the other a bearded woman kneeling and
holding forward her breasts. The latter the natives called by the Hau&a name,
maiyi* affirming that they feared bearded women greatly because they killed men

* Probably m-iyi, sorcerer ; fern, mii/la.
[ 169 ]

No. 96.]

MAN.

[1913.

r

whilst they slept ami ate them. There were no tribal marks on the cheeks of the
four faces of this staff.

My native dresser, an intelligent Yornba of Ilorin, on being shown one of these
staffs culled it osi, and gave me the following account of its uses which was afterwards
confirmed both by other natives and by Mr. Dwyer. If a woman were barren, he said,
she would pray to Shongo for a child. Should she thereafter conceive, the child
when born would be dedicated to Shongo. At about the age of puberty he would
be dressed in fine clothes and taken to one of the shrines of Shongo by his mother,

who would say ; " Look, Shongo, this
is the child you gave me." A ram
would then be killed, and for seven
days there would be feasting ; and
the child would be smeared with
camwood, his head covered with
indigo, and he would be given a staff
and enjoined to keep silent for a
period variously stated as seven days,
one month, and three months. During
this period nothing would induce him
to speak ; should he be accosted he
would simply hold up his staff as a
sign that he might not answer.

Adults also carry these staffs.
For example, my dresser said that if
he himself were ill he would go to
a man in the town who would make
juju and might advise him to " get
Shongo." In this case he Avould
procure a staff and carry it, never
speaking all the time. At the end
of a certain period, being better, he
would take some special stones and
put them with the staff in a wooden
vessel shaped like a mortar, and
would kill a ram or a goat beside
the vessel, and pour the blood over
the stones in it, and for seven days
there would be feasting. He would
not part with the staff, but he might
lend it to his children "for Shongo."
The stones used in this rite proved to
be " celts," which are venerated as
thunderbolts from Shongo, and some
of those I procured bore traces of blood. In Fig. 1 one of the wooden vessels
referred to above is seen. The centre was hollowed out and in shape it resembled
the wooden mortars in which yams are pounded, but from the positions of the
rude figures carved on it, it was evidently intended to stand bottom uppermost.
Two " Shongo stones," " celts," are shown lying on it.

Fig. 2 illustrates what appear to be developments of the smaller staffs. These
staffs are not carried in the hand, but are kept in the houses of the worshippers of
Shongo. I was told that a ram or a sheep was sacrificed before them, and that
thereafter they Avere considered as juju. Their owners were certainly loth to part

[ 170 ]

FIG. 2.

1913.]

MAN.

[Nos. 96-97.

with them, and owing to this prejudice I was unable to obtain specimens actually
taken from the houses of natives, the two illustrated being freshly carved. Each
consisted of a terminal portion which was especially pointed out to me as indicative
of Shongo, a short handle, and an intermediate curved and painted part. The latter
portion was decorated, from above downwards in the one case with figures representing
a man with a drum, a leopard, a bird feeding another bird, and a coiled snake ; and
in the other a man riding a horse and holding in his right hand a long snake -
headed stick, a bird, a monkey, and two little drummers placed back to back. The
taller of the two staffs measured 83 cm. and the shorter 71 cm.

J. W. SCOTT MACFIE, M.A., B.Sc.

New Zealand. Keith.

Moriori in New Zealand. By Arthur Keith. M.D., F.R.S. Q"l

On his present visit to England, the Rev. H. Mason, of New Zealand, Uf
brought with him two human skulls which were found in an old deposit at Wanganui,

FIG. 1.— PROFILE DRAWING OF THE CRANIUM
OF THE WOMAN'S S/JJLL (J NAT. SIZE).

of the

FIG. 2. — FULL FACE DRAWING OF THE

SAME (^ NAT. SIZE).

Royal

near the south end of the North Island. The crania were sent to the
Anthropological Institute for examination and report. The crania belonged
takably to the Moriori race, and differ markedly
from the crania of the Maori. Although the exact
degree of antiquity which must be ascribed to tbe
two crania is not at present ascertainable, all the
evidence points to their belonging to a pre-Maori
date. Mr. Mason's discovery thus supports the
contention that the Moriori, now confined — a mere
remnant — to the Chatham Islands, were the in-
habitants of New Zealand before the arrival of
the Maori.

Of the two skulls, one is of an adult, a
woman ; the other is the cranium of a child
about eight or nine years of age. The drawings
of the skull of the adult (Figs. 1, 2, 3) show
the very distinctive race marks of the Moriori —
as pointed out some years ago by Dr. Duckworth
— the narrow, rather receding forehead, and the

extremely prominent characteristic parietal emi-

T>U j .. -i i ^ FlG- 3.— VERBEA VIEW OF THE SAME

nences. 1 he details relating to the measurements ~~~TT~NAT" SIZE)

Nos. 97-98,]

MAN.

[1913.

can be obtained from the drawings (Figs. 1, 2, 3). The maximum length of the
woman's skull is 185 mm. ; the width, 130 mm. ; the relation of width to length
(cephalic index), 70' 3 per cent.; the supra-auricular height, 114 mm.; the cubic
capacity, 1,150 cc. — a small amount. The cranial capacity of the child is 1,130 cc. ;
the upper face length is short, 60 mm. ; bnt the face is wide — the bizygomatic
diameter being 127 mm. The neck was narrow from side to .side — the bima/Jhord
width being 118 mm. The nose is moderately wide (26 mm.), and high (50 mm.);
the margins of the nasal aperture are sharp, and the nasal spine is moderately
marked. The supra-orbital ridges are rather unduly developed for a woman. It
will be seen that the Moriori are free from negroid characters ; from the con-
formation of their crania one would suspect that the Maori have a much nearer
affinity to the negroid stock. The Moriori are related evidently to some of the
Polynesian and South American races ; at least it is amongst those races one finds
cranial forms which are comparable.

The Rev. Mr. Mason informed the writer that the two skulls — possibly of
mother and daughter — were found in a stratum of fine sand, about 6 feet to 8 feet
in depth. This stratum occurs at the base of a cliff near the estuary of a stream.
The cliff is about 36 feet high. The upper stratum, 8 feet thick, is composed of
clay ; then follows a stratum, 20 feet in depth, of hard shell rock, and then the
stratum of sand in which the crania were found at the base of the cliff and near
the bank of the stream. It is likely that the crania were buried in the stratum of
sand at the foot of the cliff; they are too fresh in structure and appearance to be
of the age of the stratum in Avhich they were found. It is hoped that further
exploration may reveal facts and data from which a more exact estimate may be
formed of the date at which these peculiar people lived at Wanganui.

Mr. Mason has deposited the crania in the Museum of the Royal College of
Surgeons, England. A. KEITH.

Edge-Partington.

New Zealand.

An Unusual Form of Tiki. By J. Edge -Par ting ton.

Mr. Willi Fels, of Dunedin, has sent me a photograph of a very unusual

form of Tiki in his collection.

The head of the figure, instead of being to the right
or left, is in an erect position. It is cut from a
particularly fine piece of greenstone and is of excellent
workmanship. The original hole for suspension has
broken away, and another has, at some early date, been
rebored from the back, slightly inclining upwards, by
Maori implements. It was dug up at Ruapekapeka,
128 miles north of Auckland, about 1908. Another
very interesting point in this specimen is that it
has indications of tattooing on head, shoulder, and
legs, and the edge is ornamented with notches.
Similar notches are found on adze blades. Mr. Fels
raises the question as to whether these notches are
for any practical use or only for ornamentation. I
certainly can never remember having seen a Tiki
so notched. Mr. Hamilton, the Director of the
Dominion Museum, Wellington, N.Z., knows of only
one other genuine specimen of this type.

J. EDGE-PARTINGTON.

[ 172 ]

1913.] MAN. [Nos. 99-100.

REVIEWS.
Ethnology. Reid.

Illustrated Catalogue of the Anthropological Museum, Marischal College, QQ
University of Aberdeen. By Professor It. W. Reid, M.D. 1912. Is. UO

It is not generally known what an excellent museum Professor Reid has succeeded
in establishing in the University of Aberdeen, so the capital illustrated catalogue of
it which he has published will come as a revelation to most of his colleagues. The
museum is evidently arranged on broad lines, and it already possesses a great variety
of specimens which form an admirable basis for demonstrations of material culture of
various peoples, past and present.

In the section dealing with the British Isles the objects range from palteoliths
to those which are still employed by the folk or which have recently become obsolete.
There is quite a respectable collection of Egyptian antiquities. In the collections
from various parts of the world there are several specimens of considerable interest,
such, for example, as the war-god of wicker-work, decorated with red feathers,
from the Hawaiian Islands, and the kayak described in Vol. XLII. of the Journ.
Anthr. Inst. (p. 511).

Curators are always liable to be led astray by erroneous labels. A collector
says he obtained a given specimen at a certain place, and he may have done so, but
it does not always follow that it was made there. During the last century there
has been so much going to and fro on the earth that one has to keep a sharp look-
out for discrepancies. Professor Reid has in a very few cases fallen a victim to the
inaccuracy of his informants, and his forgiveness is requested for pointing out some
of them : Fig. 30, p. 242, is a Mangaian paddle ; Fig. 40, p. 244, appears to be an
Australian spear-thrower ; the upper specimen, at all events, of Fig. 140, p. 265, is
surely Australian ; Fig. 30 (left hand), p. 285, is not a Fiji club.

It is very " sporting " of the university to publish a catalogue and to provide
it with so many illustrations. These will be useful alike to the students of the
university and to ethnologists elsewhere. A. C. HADDON.

Java. Scheltema: Cooper Clark.

Monumental Java.

(To the Editor of MAX, Royal Anthropological Institute, 50, Great Russell

Street, London, W.C^)

12, Nelson Street, Edinburgh.

SIR, — I am grateful for Mr. J. Cooper Clark's suggestive review of my
Monumental Java in the current issue of MAN, but beg leave, while answering his
questions, to remonstrate against some of his strictures and dicta.

I said in my book that the temples still standing on the Die'ng plateau
" belong to the oldest and finest if by no means the largest of Java," not that they
are the finest, as he makes me say, which would hardly be doing justice to the
architectural gems of Central Java, the Boro Budoor, the Mendoot and the groups
clustered in the plain of Prambanan, not to mention the chandi Panatarau and
several others in East Java. Neither can they pass with certainty for the oldest, as
he seems to believe ; the few dates so far discovered do not warrant such a sweeping
conclusion.

Though the ground-plan of the chandi Kalasan admits, indeed, of a more felici
tous description than consistent with comparing its form to that of a Greek cross,
there were actually but four chapels, including the principal middle chamber. The
eastern projection, not consecrated to religious purposes, was simply a portal or porch
giving access to that inner sanctum.

[ 173 ]

No, 100.] MAN. [1913.

Whatever the condition of the bas-reliefs on the staircase to the entrance of the
c/<fiji/li Mendoot, the story of the turtles and the vulture, represented in one of them,
now almost entirely lost, is no jataka tale, as might be inferred from Mr. Cooper
Clark's comment. Dr. Brandes demonstrated that the sculptor took his subject from
the prose version of the Tantri, an old Javanese collection of fables, which, however,
clearly reveals its Indian origin and an abundant measure of Buddhist influence
to boot.

Availing myself of the ready-coined compound term stupa-linga, I endeavoured
to express the ultra-syncretic character of that strange creation, the chandi Chupuwatu,
whose master-builder tried to reconcile the homage due to the memory of Buddha,
the most chaste, with a deep-seated reverence for Siva's supreme virility.

Finally, I read with astonishment Mr. Cooper Clark's statement that, " in the
" great diversity of the religious beliefs held by these (the Malayo-Polynesian)
" peoples there is nothing to show that they were ancestor-worshippers." To con-
fine ourselves to Malaysia, it is contradicted by the many indications we find of a
long-lingering belief in the efficacy of sacrifice to the spirits of the departed and of
ancient rites in honour of deified forefathers. With regard to Java in particular, I
need only refer to the traditional ceremonial of the ivayang performances.

The "School of Archaeology" alluded to is probably a lapsus calami for the
Archaeological Commission now in course of transformation into a full-fledged
Archaeological Service.

Thanking you for your courtesy, I am, Sir, yours faithfully,

J. F. SCHELTEMA.

(The Editor q/'MAN, Royal Anthropological Institute, 50, Great Russell Street,

30, Trevor Square, Knightsbridge. S.W.

18th September 1913.

DEAK SIR, — I am in receipt of your favour of 9th inst., enclosing a letter from
Mr. J. F. Scheltema regarding my criticism of his book entitled Monumental Java,

an(^ *n reP'v w*" answer his remonstrances in the order
l—, they occur in the letter:—

1. I agree with Mr. Scheltema when he says that
the group of temples on the Die'ng Plateau " belong
" to the oldest ... of Java," but not with the
qualification "and finest," and I quoted my authority
for saying so at the time.

2. With regard to the chandi Kalasan, the accom-.
panying drawing is a rough ground plan of the building,
and' I leave the reader to decide for himself whether

" the building, in the form of a Greek cross, had four apartments."

3. On the 20th April 1908, it was my good fortune to be taken to see the
chandi Mendoot by Major Van Eerp. The temple had then been partly restored
(the roof had yet to be finished) and when taking exception to the statement as
to the condition of the sculptures on the staircase, I referred to the exterior north
wall ; and further, my remarks were not written from memory, but from a large
photograph of the wall in question. I do not understand why Mr. Scheltema
should mention the story of the turtles and the vulture — I certainly did not. This
fable is on the south side, and, therefore, is not one of the eleven jatakas on the
exterior north wall.

4. I criticised Mr. Scheltema's reference to a " Polynesian bias to ancestor
worship " (the italics are mine). Had he written Malaysian (or better Indonesian)
in the first place, naturally the criticism would have been out of place, but he uses

[ 174 ]

1913.] MAN. [Nos. 100-101.

the word with no qualificatory reference to Malays, and this was the point to
which my criticism was directed. The feature of Polynesian religion was the worship
of high gods rather than of ancestors.

5. I am sorry I have been misunderstood in the expression the " School of
Archaeology." I used the term, not in reference to any definite organisation, but
in its widest sense — the study of Archaeology as an exact science.

I am, Dear Sir, yours truly, J. COOPER CLARK.

PROCEEDINGS OF SOCIETIES.
Anthropology. British Association.

Anthropology at the British Association for the Advancement of Science, 4 114
Birmingham Meeting, September \Qth to llth, 1913. Report of Proceedings IUI
in Section H {Anthropology).

The Anthropological Section met under the presidency of Sir Richard Temple,
Bart., C.I.E., who in his presidential address dealt with the administrative value of
Anthropology. The address is published in full in Nature, Vol. XCIL, p. 207.

PHYSICAL ANTHROPOLOGY.

HARRY CAMPBELL, M.D. — The Factors ichich have determined Mail's Evolution
from the Ape. — Man's evolution from the ape has essentially been a mental evolution.
Brain and mind have evolved parri passu by the continued selection of favourable
hereditable variations. Mental, like morphological, evolution proceeds just so far as,
but no further than, is needful for adaptive service.

In order that an advance in intelligence may enhance the chance of survival,
the individual manifesting the advance must be endowed with the means of turning
it to practical account. Only a being possessed of prehensile hands, capable of giving
effect to the dictates of mind, could evolve into man. It was the abandonment of
an arboreal for a terrestrial life, in the search after animal food, which determined
man's evolution from the ape.

Other contributory factors in furthering man's mental evolution were : (1) Poly-
gamy ; (2) Inter-tribal warfare ; (3) Factors influencing the evolution of the feelings.

PROFESSOR CARVETH READ. — On the Differentiation of Man from the Anthro-
poids. [ To be published in MAX.]

PROFESSOR H. J. FLEURE and T. C. JAMES. — Ethnography of Wales and the
Border. — About 2,300 individuals have beeu examined. Chief types : —

1. An ancient type (pre-Mediterraneau ?) with large, very long head, index 71,
prognathous, strong eyebrows, receding forehead, dark colouring.

2 and 3. Mediterranean types with characters recalling Mongoloid and Negroid
types respectively.

4. The average Mediterranean type — long head, index 72-79 (average 75),

strong occipital protuberance, nose straight, slightly prognathous, slightly
under average stature, dark colouring.

5. Smooth-contoured Mediterranean type.

6. Supposed diluted Mediterranean types — often have grey eyes, less occipital

protuberance, no prognathism.

7. Tall, fair, light-eyed, long or medium-headed men, without prognathism, may

be considered Nordic.

8. Tall, fair, light-eyed, broad-headed, short-faced, and frequently aquiline-nosed

types, may be considered Alpine-Nordic.

9. Dark, bullet-headed, short, thick-set men, usually considered Alpine.
10. Powerfully built, intensely dark, broad-headed, and broad-faced men.

[ 175 ]

No. 101.] MAN. [1913.

11. Tall, powerfully built men, with broad head, high forehead, strong eyebrows;
usually medium brown haired, light eyes, rufous beard.

In addition to the above types, there are distinctly red-haired individuals,
Tregaron, in Cardiganshire, being a marked centre for this character. Women fall
into approximately the same types, though No. 8 is very rare among them ; they
are distinctly darker than the men, and types 4-6 are specially predominant.

PROFESSOR W. M. FLINDERS PETRIE, LL.D., D.C.L., F.R.S. — Early Egyptian
Skeletons. — In the First Dynasty at Tarkhan the female hnmerns, radius, and clavicle
only show the normal distribution curve of a single variable. The similar male curves
all show two superposed variables. The bigger one is proportional to the female;
the smaller type has no distinct, female parallel.

The female and male curves superposed show the male minority clearly. Besides
the clear male minority, there is a suggestion of a high and a low group of both
male and female of about six or seven per cent, of the whole people. That this is
due to racial mixture is shown by the sudden appearance of a much smaller type
superposed on the others in the First Dynasty.

This minority of invaders was about one-ninth of the males in the capital. In
the first generation each had three native females, and in the next generation two,
in excess of the normal female numbers. [ To be published by the British School
of Archeology in Egypt.~\

Report of the Committee on the Organisation of Anthropometric Investigation
in the British Isles.

DR. L. ROBINSON. — The Relations of the Lower Jaw to Articulate Speech. — The
author said his object was to try to explain why man had a chin, and to show
whether man's peculiar gift of articulate speech would not throw some light on the
extraordinary differences between man and the anthropoids. The advantage of a
chin was not merely aesthetic, it was not outside but inside. In the jaws of
Europeans there were distinct tubercles. First of all the whole jawbone had
dropped downwards and then on the inner side tubercles had developed. In almost
every scund uttered by the tongue, the genio-glossal muscle came into play.
Among the lower races, and particularly those with imperfect speech, the tubercle
was practically absent. In French and Italian jaws the tubercle was more
symmetrical than in English jaws, and in Irish jaws it was very much more
developed. The genio-glossal muscle was not necessary to speech, but in the higher
races where speech meant much it was more highly developed.

ETHNOGRAPHY AND ETHNOLOGY.

PROFESSOR W. J. SOLLAS. — The Relative Age of the Tribes with Patrilineal
and Matrilineal Descent in the South-East of Australia. — If, as appeared probable,
Tasmania was peopled by immigration from Australia, and Australia by immigration
from New Guinea, traces of the more primitive people would be found in the south
rather than in the north of the continent. Observation showed that this was the
case. The people of Victoria and South Australia were distinguished by a greater
simplicity in many directions, and some of them, such as the Kurnai, spoke a
language which found its closest ally in Tasmanian. Flat-headeduess, a primitive
character prevalent among the Tasmanians, was increasingly present from north to
south ; in Queensland, only 3 per cent, were platycephalic ; in New South Wales,
33 per cent. ; in Victoria, 46 per cent. ; and in the south of South Australia,
76 per cent., or 1 per cent, more than in Tasmania, where the proportion was 75 per
cent. Possibly these southern people were no less primitive in other matters, as,
for instance, in the rule of patrilineal descent ; and it was difficult to resist the
suggestion that the evolutional change had been from Kurnai through Kulin to

[ 176 ]

1913.] MAN. [No. 101.

Narrinyeri by the acquisition of new social characters rather than in the reverse
direction, aud by the loss of these characters.

DISCUSSION. — The practical application of Anthropological Teaching in Unircr-
sities. [Published in MAN, 1913, 102.]

E. S. HARTLAND. — The Historical Value of the Traditions of the Baganda.
[To le published in the Journ. R. Anthr. Inst.~\

REV. GEORGE HALL and W. H. R. RIVERA M.A., M.D., F.R.S.— A Gypsy
Pedigree and its Lessons. — An analysis of the pedigree of a well-known family
extending over six generations shows a great increase in the proportion of marriages
outside the gypsy community in the later as compared with the earlier generations
of the family, and a large proportion of marriages between relatives. In the earlier
generations there is one case of marriage with a half-sister, and two between
uncle and niece. Marriages between cousins of various kinds occur throughout, but
less frequently in proportion to the total number in the later generations. In the
cases of the marriage of first cousins the children of two brothers have married more
frequently than the children of brother and sister or of two sisters. Several cases of
polygamy are recorded, and an examination of the marriages of widows and widowers
show no trace of the Levirate, and only one case of marriage with the deceased
wife's sister.

T. W. THOMPSON, M.A. — Gypsy Taboos and Funeral Rites. — A woman's dress
must not touch any article of food, or any vessel in which food is prepared or from
which it is eaten. There are many other similar prohibitions, multiplied and
intensified on the occasion of child-birth, based on the belief that the same
contaminating influence emanates from anything used in the washing of apparel or
of the person, and anything connected with the toilet or with the bed ; also from
any sick person, together with spells and bad luck, which cling to and are conveyed
in clothing. This seems to throw some light on the custom of burning, or otherwise
destroying, the effects of a dead person, which is the main feature of gypsy funeral
rites. Fear of the ghost doubtless underlies the prohibition on the use of the name
of the dead person, and on the indulgence in his favourite food or drink or form of
amusement. It probably accounts for the now extinct customs of burying the body
in an isolated place or in a ditch, and of planting thorns over the grave.

Dread of contamination is perhaps responsible for the fact that offences against
chastity used to be punished by death, or by branding and expulsion from the band,
and this same dread seems to underlie their one-time aversion from marriage in
churches.

The variety and instability of their marriage rites as contrasted with the unity
and persistence of their funeral rites suggest that they originally had none at all,
but acquired such as they have practised from time to time by borrowing from
European peoples.

MRS. CHARLES TEMPLE. — Social Organisation amongst the Primitive Tribes of
Northern Nigeria. — The basic principle of all the institutions of these tribes was to
place the interests of the community first and those of the individual second.

Land tenure : They realised that it was essential that each individual should
have the right to occupy sufficient land for his needs and for that of his family,
but that there should be no individual monopoly.

Unoccupied lands are jealously claimed and protected. Land cannot be bought,
sold, or mortgaged, for the living individual has a right of occupancy only.

Every able-bodied male is expected to turn out for common defence. A man
with his wife and children does not live to himself for his own aggrandisement or
theirs, but as a unit of a larger family, owing allegiance to the senior, or patriarch,

177

No= 101,] MAN. :

who is, as a rule, the oldest male member of a generation. There is no " socialism "
or " collectivism." Besides blood relations the family consists of dependants and
slaves, who all owe allegiance to the Family Head. In many tribes these patriarchs
formed a council of elders and together directed the affairs of the community,
under the chairmanship of one of their number. Those tribes, however, who had
united for purposes of defence and expansion, recognised one tribal chief, and he
would often appoint sub-chiefs with jurisdiction over certain clearly defined areas.

Sometimes the chiefs also performed the duties of high priest ; sometimes
however, others were appointed to this office. Punishment for crimes inflicted by
the communal authority generally takes the form of compelling the -criminal to com-
pensate the injured party, though amongst certain communities habitual malefactors
are sold out of, or banished from, their tribe. In doubtful cases ordeal is employed,
when, e.g., the accused is invited to establish his innocence by drinking water
poisoned with sasswood, the elders having already decided the effect it is to produce.
Death by ordeal is therefore a mode of execution like any other.

MAJOR A. J. N. TREMEARXE, M.A. — Some Notes on Hausa Magic. — Love-
charms consist of decoctions which must be eaten by the person desired, and there
is usually some spittle of the amorous swain contained in them. Wives can deceive
their husbands Avith complacence by using the eartli from a grave,' or the hand of a
corpse, which produce a soporific effect. The most common amulet against the evil
eye or evil mouth is the hand or " five " (fingers). A shred of the clothing or some
other article of the evil wisher neutralises the influence.

If the Arab prayers fail to have any effect upon a drought, the Hausas go in
procession to a shrine on a hill near the city, and there offer a sacrifice, summon
the bori, and perform the takai dance.

Sacrifices are offered to Uwar-Gwona (Farm-Mother) when the corn begins to
appear, and she increases the crops of her worshippers.

Hunters and warriors can make talismans which confer invisibility, and if a
young girl with her first teeth helps, the wearer will -be protected against all ;
but boys with their first teeth can wound persons protected only by ordinary
charms.

W. J. PERRY, B.A. — The Orientation of the Dead in Indonesia. \_To be.
published in Journ. R. Anthr. Insf.^

W. H. R. RIVERS, M.A., M.D., F.R.S. — Sun-cult and Megaliths in Oceania. —
It can be established either by direct evidence or by inference that there was a
seasonal character attached to the cult of the Areois in the Marquesas, and the
celebrations of Melanesian secret societies, such as the Dukduk of New Britain, the
Matambala of the Solomon Islands, and the Tamati of Southern Melanesia.

The representation of the movements of the sun by such a simile as that of
birth and death suggests that these beliefs and practises were brought by immigrants
from some northern latitude.

There is a striking correspondence in the distribution of the secret societies of
Oceania and the presence of structures constructed of large stones, as e.g., in Tahiti
and the Marquesas. The islands in which Oceanic stonework Jhas reached its highest
development are the Carolines, and both here and in the neighbouring Marianne
Islands there were societies whose name and functions show them .to havp been
closely akin to the Areois of Eastern Polynesia.

In Melanesia structures made of worked stone have been found in only three
places — the Banks and Torres Islands and Ysabel, in the Solomons. The Banks and
Torres Islands are strongholds of the secret cults, and there is a definite tradition
that the Matambala of the Solomons came originally from Ysabel. If there should
be established the presence of a sun-cult as the main underlying purpose of the

[ 178 ]

1913.] MAN. [No. 101.

secret societies of Oceania, the correspondence of their distribution with that of
megalithic structures would provide evidence of great value in relation to the
problem of the unity of the megalithic culture. It must be noted, however, that
we have no evidence of any cult of the sun in Tonga, the megalithic structures of
which resemble most closely those of other parts of the world.

Miss C. S. BURNE. — Souling, dementing, and Catterning : Three November
Customs of the Western Midlands. — Early calendar festivals were at once religious,
social, and economic. The Celtic and, maybe, the Teutonic year also, began and
ended in November. It was a season of social enjoyment and also a Feast of the
Dead. In Cheshire, North Shropshire, and North Staffordshire, on November 1st,
children beg for cakes, ale, and apples. This they call " Souling." But in South
Staffordshire the dole of ale and apples is solicited on St. Clement's Day, November
23rd ; in North Worcestershire on St. Katharine's, November 25th. The name
varies accordingly. The observances as practised to-day show traces of early agri-
cultural custom, of successive importations of foreign culture, and of the growth and
decay of early economic institutions. [To be published in Folklore.~\

Miss M. A. MURRAY. — Evidence for the Custom, of Killing the King in Ancient
Egypt. [ To be published in MAN.]

J. H. POWELL. — Hook-swinging in India. — Hook-swinging is still practised
in certain villages of Chota Nagpur. Two hooks with rope attached to each are
inserted in either side of the victim's back. He is then conducted to a raised
platform bound to a long cross-pole pivoted on a tall upright post, elevated to the
necessary height, and then rotated. A careful examination of records goes to show
that it is a Dravidiau and not a Hindu rite.

Hook-swinging is not synonymous with swinging on hooks. Suspension and
rotation are the essential features of the ceremouy. There are grounds for supposing
hook-swinging to be a commuted form of human sacrifice. Further, if we examine
the well-known Meriah- sacrifice of the Khands, we find that rotation of the victim
was in certain places a very common feature of the ritual, and it is probable that
from, such form of human sacrifice hook-swinging has descended. [ To be published
in full in Folklore.~\

W. CROOKE, B.A'. — The Stability of Tribal and Caste Groups in India. \_To
be published in Journ. R. Anthr. InstJ]

MAJOR A. J. N. TREMEARXE, M.A. — The Bori Cult in Tunis and Tripoli. —
There are two principal classes of bori — those of the city and those of the forest —
the former being mostly Arab jinns, and regarded as disease spirits, the others pagan
nature-gods. Generally speaking, the spirits have human forms with cloven hoofs,
though they can assume any form at will. All bori move like the wind.

The bori live in Jan Gari, the Red City, which is alleged to be situated between
Air and Aghat. Soothsaying is one of the functions of the masu-bori. Each member
of the sect specialises in certain spirits. The male performers are known as "horses,"
the female as " mares " of the bori. Each temple in Tunis and Tripoli is a long,
narrow room in an Arab house, in which are hung the trappings of the dancers and
offerings to the bori. Kuri's private apartment is screened off, and must not be entered
except by the Arifa, the chief priestess, being a veritable holy of holies. At the
dances an altar is erected and a he-goat (after having been censed and specially fed)
and a cock are sacrificed in front c»f it. Then the bori ride the mounts, and the
dances begin, each performer making some characteristic movements, and then sneezing
and expelling the spirit.

DR. G. LANDTMAN. — The Ideas of the Kiwai Papuans regarding the Soul. — The
Kiwai Papuans use the same word for "soul," "shadow," "reflection in the water,"

[ 179' ]

NO. lot] MAN. 11913.

and " picture " ; of these the shadow in particular is associated with the soul. Soul
and body are to a considerable extent independent of each other. The soul when
separated from the body appears, sometimes at any rate, as rather a corporeal being,
which can be seen and touched, and in the legends a ghost is often mistaken for a
living person. Dreams are attributed to the soul wandering about and seeing various
things.

The souls of sick people in particular are in danger of being removed by male-
volent spirits or otherwise, for which reason the sick are watched over by their friends,
and certain rules have to be observed for their protection. In a case of a very severe
illness the spirit of the sick person is thought to wander about, and several means
exist for bringing it back. In the excitement of a fight the soul of a man may jump
out of his body, as shown by the fury of those fighting, and it has in certain cases to
be brought back. For the same reason the soul of a murderer comes out of his body
and is thought to follow the ghost of his victim at night. People who have been
killed by a crocodile or snake, and also suicides, try to lure their friends into a death
similar to their own by first carrying away their souls.

The appearance of the soul of a living man constitutes an omen, and therefore
the old men watch in the night before a fight. If they recognise some warrior's soul
that man must not take part in the forthcoming fight or he will be killed. The soul
of a man does not necessarily leave the body at the moment when he is being killed
but some time previously, in a sort of presentiment. A man may sometimes see his
own soul, which forebodes his death.

Pigs and dogs have souls, and at all events in some cases when killed go to
.4.diri, the land of the dead.

Miss M. A. CZAPLICKA. — The Influence of Environment upon the Religious Ideas
and Practices of the Aborigines of Northern Asia. — In Northern Asia or Siberia there
are two main types of geographical environment, with corresponding variations in
the forms of shamanism observed there. These types may be termed northern and
southern.

1. Along the whole northern section, a boundless lowland zone, consisting of
tundra, fishing and hunting can be carried on in summer only, and reindeer-breeding
is scarcely possible, owing to the deficient vegetation. The people live for nine months
of the year in underground or half-underground houses.

2. Farther south the land rises to the Siberian highlands. Here the inhabitants
of the steppes lead an open-air, nomadic, pastoral, or hunting life. The climate is.
" Continental."

I. In the north we see the influence of darkness, cold, and scarcity of food on the
religious ideas of the people. There is a religious dualism, but the worship of " black "
spirits prevails. Family shamanism is more important than professional shamanism,
since the environment does not encourage social aggregation. The animals on which
the people's livelihood depends are the objects of cult, inanimate objects of worship
being generally symbols of them. There is no clear idea of an anthropomorphic god ;
the distinction between men and animals disappears in myths and in representations
of superior beings. Ceremonials are almost exclusively seasonal, and are connected
with the food supply and with the expulsion of the bad spirits.

; II. In the south we find a religious dualism in which the " white " element
prevails. Life amid open country and mountains. has led to worship of the sky and
heavenly bodies. Animals are respected, but not worshipped. In the mythology it is
the man that plays an heroic part. Comparative abundance of food permits certain
spontaneous ceremonial expressions of religious feeling not necessarily connected with
the food supply. The shaman is a professional. Bloody sacrifices predominate in the

[ 180 ]

1913J MAN. [No. 101.

south. The ongon is not merely a fetish, but the image of a god. [ To be published
in Folklore.]

PROF. T. WITTOX DAVIES. — The Female Magician in Semitic Magic.

Report of the Committee on the Production of Certified Copies of Hausa
Manuscripts.

ARCHEOLOGY.

R. R. MARETT, M.A., D.Sc. — Recent Archaeological Discoveries in the Channel
Islands. — 1. In continuing the excavation of the cave known as La Cotte de St.
Brelade, and the neighbouring area, the entrance of a second cave — or, possibly, of
a cave running right round the back of the ravine continuous with La Cotte — was
discovered. Here a Mousterian floor with characteristic implements was reached at
a depth of 27 feet.

2. Exploration of a dolmen, containing interments, pottery, &c., at Les Monts
Grantez, at St. Ouen's, Jersey.

3. Discovery and examination of a cist or dolmen of a type novel to the island,
with surrounding stone circles and graves, at L'Islet, St. Sampson's, Guernsey.

4. Other recent finds, ranging from alleged eoliths (Jersey) and palaeoliths
(Guernsey) to a stone object resembling a mould, found in the Lower Peat — i.e., at
the neolithic level — but more probably belonging to a later period (Jersey).

W. DALE, F.S.A. — Flint Instruments found in the County of Hampshire. — A
series of " celts " from the county of Hants, found in the surface soil, or never at
a greater depth than two feet, was exhibited which might be classed as Neolithic.
A study of the forms of the implements abroad belonging to the later ages of the
Palaeolithic period and a comparison with implements found on well-known British
sites, such as Grimes's Graves and Cissbury, have resulted in the opinion that many
of the chipped celts found at the places named and elsewhere should be considered
late Palaeolithic rather than Neolithic.

J. P. BusHE-Fox. — Excavations on the Site of the Roman Town of Viroconium,
at Wroxeter, Salop. — The area within the walls amounted to about 170 acres — about
one-third larger than Silchester. The site appears to have been inhabited from the
earliest days of the Roman conquest. Tombstones of soldiers of the Fourteenth
Legion have been found in the cemetery. The town, situated at the junction of
two of the main Roman roads, appears to have grown into one of the largest
Romano-British centres.

Although all the buildings found differed considerably, yet their general arrange-
ment was similar. They appeared to have been large shops, with dwelling-rooms
at the back and wooden or stone verandahs or porticoes in front, under which ran
a continuous pathway parallel to the street. One house showed as many as five
distinct constructions, which had been superimposed one on the other.

Among small objects found are engraved gems from rings, brooches of different
metals — one set with stones and others enamelled — portions of two small statuettes
of Venus and one of Juno Lucina ; also a small pewter statuette of Victory. One
of the most interesting was a pewter circular bronze disc with a device, in different
coloured enamels, of an eagle holding a fish. Nothing similar to it of the Roman
period in Britain appears to have been found before.

Pottery of every description came to light, including specimens from most of
the principal Roman potteries on the Continent. The coins ranged from Claudius
to Gratian (A.U. 41 to A.D. 383).

This year a temple has been uncovered. It consisted of a podium measuring
25 feet by 31 feet, the walls of which were formed of large blocks of red sandstone.

No. 101.] MAN. [1913.

Enclosing walls surrounded the podium. The entrance into a courtyard in front was
from the main street under a portico of six columns. The whole structure measured
94 feet deep by 55 feet wide.

Areas to the north and west of the temple buildings are now being excavated.

The coins found number over 200 and date from the Republican period to
Theodosius I. \_To be published in ArchceologiaJ]

T. A.SHBY, M.A., D.Litt. — The Via Appia. — The Via Appia played a very
important part in the advance of the Roman power into South Italy. As far as
Beneventum its course is certain, and considerable remains of it exists ; but beyond
this town there is considerable doubt about its course.

In the neighbourhood of Bari, in the territory traversed by the Via Traiana, are
the only dolmens and menhirs to be found in Italy, except the group in ' the Terra
d'Otranto, and a somewhat unexpected discovery Avas that of a group of four hitherto
unknown menhirs close to the road.

T. ASHBY, M.A., D.Litt. — The Aqueducts of Ancient Rome. — The principal
supplies of water were derived from, the upper valley of the Anio. The second, of
the aqueducts, constructed in 272-269 B.O., drew its water and its name from the
river itself ; while the third, the Aqua Marcia, built in 144-140 B.C., made use of some
very considerable springs on the right bank of the river. During the following
century use was made of various springs in the more immediate neighbourhood of
the city ; bat Caligula's engineers returned to the Anio Valley, and the Aqua Claudia
and Anio Novus, both completed in A.D. 52, drew their water respectively from the
springs which the Marcia had already tapped and from1 the river. The remains of
these four aqueducts are very considerable and- comparatively little known, and by
careful research on the spot it has been possible to determine their course with fair
accuracy from the springs to the city, even in the portion where they ran underground
through the lower slopes of the Alban Hills.

DR. WILLOUGHBY GARDNER. — Excavations at the Hill-foot in Parc-y-Meirc
Wood, Kenmell Park, Abcrgcle. [ To be published in Report Brit. Assoc., as an
Appendix to the Report of the Committee to co-operate in Excavations on Roman
Sites in Britain."]

R. CAMPBELL THOMPSON, M.A. — A Discussion on a Neio System of Decipher-
ment of the .Hittite Hieroglyphs lately published by the Society of Antiquaries. —
[For full account of the System of Decipherment, see Archceologia, Vol. LXIV.~\

R. CAMPBELL-THOMPSON, M.A. — Ancient Assyrian Medicine. — There are about
500 tablets or fragments of tablets unpublished in the British Museum. They relate to
diseases of the head, hair, eyes, nose, ears, mouth, teeth, stomach, and other organs ;
the treatment of pregnancy and difficult travail ; poultices, potions,, and enemas ; and
the assuaging of snake bites or scorpion stings. The drugs in use can be numbered
by the score. Several have already long been satisfactorily identified.. I believe
that I have been able to identify two narcotics^ one, the " Heart-plant," as one of.
the Hyoscyami, some years previously ; the other as the mandrake, to be used in
allaying headache by continuous applications to the head and neck.

In the tablets relating to eye diseases, the lish-a-bar is a drug of fairly common
occurrence, and from its connection with the mineral a-bar (probably antimony) I see
in it the well-known stibium used by Orientals. Another mineral in use for eye
troubles is copper dust, in which we may see the forerunner of the more modern
sulphate of copper.

PROFESSOR J. L. MYRES.— A Contribution to the Archaeology of Cyprus. —
A recent re-examiuatiou ,of the Cesnola collection x>f Cypriote antiquities in the

1913.] MAN. [No. 101.

Metropolitan Museum of New York had extended the upward limit of time for the
great series of votive statues, belonging to a period in which the Assyrian influence,
which characterised the early half of the seventh century, was not yet fully developed,
and Syro-Cappadocian affinities were seen. Minoan types of costume, introduced in
the later Bronze Age, remained in ceremonial use, and probably also iu daily life, far
into the .historical period. The Cypriote script began to show forms linking it with
the TMinoan. A fragment of an engraved bowl of Oriental design repeated the subject
of the well-known hunting bowl found near Rome, and was probably from the same
hand and workshop, thus showing the wide distribution of these works of art and the
probability that they were the output of a few closely related centres of industry.
One of those centres might very likely have been in Cyprus.

Gr. A. WAIXWRIGHT. — The People of Keftiu and the Isles from the Egyptian
Monuments. — Hitherto the people of Keftiu and the Isles have been regarded as one,
and as the equivalent of Cretans. But on analysis the greater part of the Keftiuan
civilisation is not Cretan but Syrian. The Philistine confederacy consisted of a
group of allied tribes, the name of one of which (Cherethites) is translated in the
LXX as Cretans. The Caphtorim are translated as Cappadocians. Hence Caphtor
is probably Asia Minor, and in Rameses Ill.'a sculptures of the Pnlosatu or Philistines
they are shown with an Asia Minor dress and equipment. Therefore the identification
of both Keftiu and Caphtor witli Crete has come about owing to the presence of
Cretans with each of them ; these being the People of the Isles with the Keftiuans,
and the Cherethites with the Caphtorim or Philistines proper. Keftiu then appears
to be Cilicia.

For a view of her civilisation it is necessary to isolate it. To do this a corpus
of that of each extreme — Syria and the Isles — is taken. Out of the eighty-seven
Keftiuau objects available for study sixty are found to be of Syrianising types, while
twenty-seven are peculiar to Keftiu.

PROFESSOR W. M. FLINDERS PETRIE, LL.D., D.C.L., F.R.S. — Recent Discoveries
of the British School in Egypt. — A valley at Tarkhan was cleared and found to
contain some 800 more graves closely grouped on each side of an axial road.
Thousands of well-to-do people were buried here within two or three generations,
and w£ must regard this as the pre-Memphite capital of Egypt, the critical meeting
point of the earliest historical race of Egypt with the prehistoric peoples.

The earliest stage of the mastaba and tomb chapel can here be seen in perfection.
In the graves were large numbers of alabaster vases, slate palettes, and pottery vases ;
the types of these serve to date the graves to the various reigns shortly before and
after Mena. Several blue glazed vases were found, showing that such glazing was
commonly in use.

Another site, at Gerzeh, a few miles further south, has given good results of the
Twelfth and Eighteenth Dynasties. Large cemeteries were cleared and some immense
stone tombs with chambers as large as those of pyramids. The finds included a
gold pectoral inlaid with coloured stones, like the pectorals of the celebrated jewellery
of 'Dahshur in the Cairo Museum. With it was part of a similar jewel of Senusert II.
and a gold shell of Senusert III.

At Memphis more statuary and sculpture of the Eighteenth and Nineteenth
Dynasties have been found. Some workshops have yielded all the various stages
of the manufacture of stone vases ; other shops contained a great variety of
coloured stones brought from the Eastern Desert and from abroad, including the
beaniifnl bright green felspar in granite, not known before. A remarkable standard
measaire was found of .Ptolemaic age, the accuracy of which is finer than a hundredth
of an inch; the ^taojdard is a cubit of 26'8 inches, known in Egvpt under the

it -183 3

No. 101.] MAN. [1913.

Eighteenth Dynasty, and used in Asia Minor, classical Germany, and mediaeval
England. \_To be published by the British School of Archeology in Egypt. ~\

DR. CAPITAN. — Les dernieres Decouvertes d'CEuvres d'Art Paleolithiques dans
les Cavcrncs de la Garth. — Depuis quelqnes mois nos decouvertes en Dordogne avec
Peyrony et Bouyssonie ont montre qu'il existait une antre variete d'ouvres d'art
quaternaires. Ce sont des gravures executees sur des dalles ou des blocs de pierre
trreguliers de 20 cm. a 70 cm. de largeur rencontres au milieu des foyers de 1'epoque
magdalenienne a La Madeleine et a Limeuil (Dordogne). Ces tres belles gravures
non encore ptibliees sont d'un art tres remarquable. Elles representent surtout des
rennes, des chevaux, des bouquetins. Quelques tres belles sculptures en ivoire de
petite dimension accompagnaient ces pieces.

T. C. CANTRILL, B.Sc., F.G.S. — Stone Boiling in the British Isles. — Throughout
the British Isles few ancient sites have been explored that have not yielded occasional
burnt stones, which have no doubt rightly been regarded as pot boilers or as heaters
employed in some form of oven. But large heaps of burnt, cracked, and broken
stones, minged with charcoal dust, although frequent near springs and streams in
districts devoid of other evidences of ancient occupation, such as camps, villages, or
hut circles, have seldom been recorded, and if noted have not always been understood.
In Great Britain a growing volume of evidence supports the view that the practice
of stone boiling once ranged from the Shetlands to the English Channel.

It is evident from previous records that in some cases heaps of pot boilers have
been mistaken for burial mounds and for primitive smelting places. The boiling
troughs, where of wood, have been supposed to be canoes, and where of stone, have
been assumed to be sepulchral cists. Sometimes the hearth or floor of the cooking
place was roughly pared with stone slabs and fenced with a low stone wall, and
these features have been mistaken for " stone circles," or for the lower courses of
beehive huts.

DR. T. J. JEHU and A. J. B. WAGE, M.A. — Excavations in the Kinkell Cave,
St. Andreivs. — A raised beach records an uplift of land after the appearance of
neolithic man. The cave had been inhabited in Roman and early Christian times.
The central date is given by a sherd of terra sigillata (Samian ware), fofind half-way
down the desposit. Quantities of shells and animal bones were discovered, all the
remains of food. On the top of this stratum a slab of red sandstone with incised
crosses was discovered, which probably belongs to the early Christian period.

PROFESSOR G.ELLIOT SMITH, F.R.S. — The Evolution of the Dolmen. [To be
published in MAN.]

H. J. E. PEAKE. — The Early Bronze Age in the Lower Rhone Valley. — A
survey of the implements found in the lower valley of the Rhone shows that the
inhabitants of this part of France were only slightly acquainted with the use of
metal during the earlier phases of the Bronze Age. A map showing the distribution
of flat celts throughout this area seems to indicate that during the first Bronze
Period the people were in a neolithic state of culture, though a few bronze imple-
ments had reached the edge of the area either from Switzerland or from the north-
west. More than one line seem to radiate from the pass of Mont Genevre, the most
conspicuous of these passing to the south-west in the direction of Narbonne. This
seems to indicate a line of trade between the Po Valley and the copper mines of
Spain.

O. G. S. CRAWFURD, M.A. — Trade between Britain and France in the Neolithic
and Bronze Ages. — With the discovery of green-stone axes in a county like Hamp-
shire (where no such rock occurs) resembling in shape those made in, e.g., Brittany,

[ 184 ]

1913.] MAN. [Nos, 101-102.

where the stone occurs naturally, we may infer intercourse, probably commercial,
between Brittany and England. The evidence for bronze axes rests mainly upon
the type, but this is very clearly marked. Since the publication of Ancient Bronze
Implements in 1881 numerous additions have been made to the number of axes of
French type found in Britain. [Published in LAnthropologieJ\

REV. F. SMITH. — Palaeolithic "Guillotine" Trap-stones. — If prehistoric man
were a strategic hunter, we may naturally assume that very early in his career he
learned to throw down his " missile " upon a passing quarry or enemy, and that it
became in time a heavy pointed stick, and finally, with greatly enhanced effect, a
pointed stone. ,

It is suggested that in the abnormally large palaeolithic implements we have
examples of trap-stones, too large for use in the hand, used in similar fashion to
the suspended block of wood armed with a knife now in use among many primitive
races.

A. IRVIXG, D.Sc., B.A. — Prehistoric Horse Remains in the Stort Valley, S>c. —
Teeth and limb bones have come to hand which fall into two series : (1) those of
a horse of the Stortford-Grimaldi-Starnberg type ; (2) those which answer to the
"Solutrean" (Equus robustus) type of Professor J. C. Ewart. They have been
found for the most part in and under the bottom of the " Rubble-Drift " of the
valley.

Report of the Committee on the Age of Stone Circles.

Report of the Committee on Prehistoric Site at Bishop's Stortjord.

Report of the Committee on Palceolithic Sites in the West of England.

Third Report of the Committee on Artificial Islands in the Lochs of the
Highlands of Scotland.

Report of the Committee on the Lake Villages in the neighbourhood of
Glastonbury.

British Association. Sir R. Temple and others.

Report of a Discussion on " The Practical Application of Anthropological
Teaching in Universities" held in Section H of the British Association, at
Birmingham, Friday, September \2th, 1913.

SUGGESTIONS FOR A SCHOOL OF APPLIED ANTHROPOLOGY.
By SIR RICHARD C. TEMPLE, BART., C.I.E.

The object of this paper is to provide a basis for a discussion on the advisability
and on ways and means of establishing a School of Applied Anthropology.

In the course of my Presidential Address to Section H (Anthropology), it is
explained that the desire of teachers and students of Anthropology is to acquire and
impart abstract knowledge about human beings which men of affairs and commerce
can confidently apply in the daily business of practical life to the benefit of themselves
and of those with whom they come in contact, such knowledge being based on
inquiries methodically conducted on lines which experience has shown will lead to
the minimum of error in observation and record.

It is pointed out that it is not enough in the case of mankind, or, indeed, of
almost any living thing, to study physical structure only, but that the product of the
mind, as shown in habits of thought and action, must also be studied. The anthro-
pologists have, therefore, divided their subject into the two main heads of Physical
and Cultural Anthropology, the former being concerned with the structure of the
body, and the latter with manners and customs and other results of mental activity.

L 185 ]

No. 102.] MAN. [1913.

When the extent and nature of the British Empire is examined, it becomes
apparent that the complexity of the Empire and its distribution over the world makes
the subject of its administration, both officially and commercially, an immensely
important one for the British people. As the Empire is governed from the British
Isles, it is inevitable that a large number of young men must be sent out annually
to its various component parts, and be entrusted in due course with the adminis-
trative, commercial, and social control over many alien races. If their relations with
the foreign peoples with whom they come in contact are to be successful, they must
acquire a working knowledge of the habits, customs, and ideas that govern the
conduct of those peoples, and of the conditions in which they pass tlieir lives. All
those who succeed find out these things for themselves, and discern that success is
dependent on the knowledge they may attain of those with whom they have to
deal. They set about learning what they can, but of necessity empirically and as a
side issue, as it were, in the immediate and imperative business of their lives. But
the man who is obliged to obtain the requisite knowledge empirically, and without
any previous training in observation, is heavily handicapped indeed in comparison
with him who has already acquired the habit of right observation, and, what is of
much more importance, has been put in the way of correctly interpreting his
observations in his youth.

To put the proposition in its briefest form, in order to succeed in administrative
or commercial life abroad a man must use tact. Tact is the social expression of
discernment and insight, qualities born of intuitive anthropological knowledge, and
that is what it is necessary to induce in those sent abroad to become eventually the
controllers of, and dealers with, other kinds of men. What is required, therefore, is
that in youth they should have imbibed the anthropological habit, so that, as a result
of having been taught how to study mankind, they may learn what it is necessary to
know of those about them correctly and in the shortest possible time. The years of
active life now unavoidably wasted in securing this knowledge, often inadequately and
Incorrectly, even in the case of the ablest, can thus be saved.

The important point to bear in mind is. that in dealing with men "intellect
" is all very well, but sympathy counts for very much more." And so the anthro-
pologists desire to instil into the minds of those at home, who guide the work of
representatives abroad, that the sound administration of the affairs of men can only
be based on cultured sympathy, springing in its turn from sure knowledge, compe-
tent study, and accurate inquiry conducted on a right method, itself the result of
continuous experience.

Incidentally anthropological inquiry is an intensely interesting occupation to those
who have mastered the preliminary study, and no better way of filling up the leisure
hours of a European in a foreign country could be found, especially in remote and
lonely localities.

The situation has, for some years past, been appreciated by those who have
occupied themselves with Anthropology as a science, and several efforts have been
made by the Royal Anthropological Institute and the Universities of Oxford, Cam-
bridge, and London, at any rate, to bring the public benefits accruing from the
establishment of anthropological schools before the Government and the people of this
country. With the co-operation of some of the Colonial Governments, practical work
has been done by all these bodies towards teaching Anthropology to probationers and
candidates for the Civil Services in Africa, India, and elsewhere, and it is a matter
of public importance that great centres of education and commerce should give
practical encouragement to the study by the establishment of a School of Applied
Anthropology, with a special museum and library attached. These last are necessary,
because the kind of students desired need not only competent teachers to guide them,

[ 186 ]

1913.] MAN. [No. 102.

bat also a library and a museum close at hand, where they can find the information
they want and the illustration of it.

t venture to suggest that the City of Birmingham, with its university, possesses
peculiar facilities for the formation of a School of Applied Anthropology and also of
its library and museum, as the city has all over the empire its commercial representatives,
who can collect the required museum specimens on the spot. The financial labours
also of those who distribute these men over greater Britain, and, indeed all over the
world, produce means to create the library and the school, and their universal interests
provide the incentive for securing. for those in their employ the best method of
acquiring a knowledge of men that can be turned to useful commercial purpose.

After his opening statement, the President read the following extracts from
letters received from those who had been invited to take part in the discussion but
were unable to attend : —

From LIEUT.-GENERAL SIR REGINALD WINGATE, K.C.B., K.C.M.G., Sirdar
Egyptian Army and Governor-General of the Sudan.

. . . I am in entire sympathy with every word you say, and in the evidence
I gave before the Commission for the Establishment of a School of Oriental Languages
in London, under the Presidency of the late Sir Alfred Lyall, I briefly referred to
the great importance of the study of Anthropology, not only for administrators, but
also for merchants, missionaries, and others whose lives are spent in our Colonies,
Dependencies, and Protectorates. ... So impressed also was I with the impor-
tance of the study of Anthropology that I arranged for anthropological lectures to
be given to probationers to the Sudan Civil Service at Oxford and Cambridge, and,
in order to provide material for these lectures and to assist in anthropological
research in the Sudan, we have obtained the services of Dr. Seligmann, who, accom-
panied by Mrs. Seligmann, has already carried out one or two journeys in the Sudan,
and is, I believe, now occupied in the preparation of a book on his discoveries.

From SIR FRAXK SWETTENHAM, G.C.M.G., late Governor of the Straits Settlements
and High Commissioner of the Federated Malay States.

I have read your *' suggestions " with much interest, and if you will
allow me to say so, I cordially concur with all you say. Such a school as you
suggest would no doubt be extremely useful, but, if instituted mainly with the idea
that it would help our young administrators to a right knowledge of, and sympathy
with, the people they may be sent to govern or to minister to in other ways, then
I confess that I should put the study of Oriental and other languages and the study
of administration, especially the administration of Eastern peoples, first. I mention
Eastern peoples because we have 300,000,000 subjects in British India, a million
Chinese in British Colonies and Protected States in the East, and about a million
Malays in the same places, to say nothing of the population of Ceylon — Sinhalese
and Tamils. Until this country founds and supports a School of Oriental Languages I
hardly see how the student is to arrive at a real knowledge of Oriental people. Until
we teach the art of administration, we can only rely upon the genius of our race to
fit our young men to administer properly and sympathetically the affairs of Eastern
and other alien peoples. I admit that we have been successful in the past, but I also
know that knowledge has often been gained at the expense of those we rule. We
send men to teach them, but the teachers must begin by learning almost everything
that makes for really successful work. You cannot teach sympathy, but without
that the rest will never give the best results.

f 187 1

No. 102.] MAN. [1913.

From PROF. C. G. SELIGMANX, the London School of Economics.
I have read the abstract of Sir Richard Temple's paper with a great deal of
interest, and it summarises the matter so ably that there seems little left to add.
But I should like to say that what Sir Richard has written about the drawback of
the knowledge empirically gained daring active administration has struck me over
and over again. In more than one country I have been told that So-and-So has a
splendid knowledge of such-and-such a people. So-and-So is immediately sought out,
and always proves most willing to assist, but it is soon evident that his knowledge,
even when he knows something of the language, is superficial, and a stranger capable
of thinking along anthropological lines can generally discover more in a few weeks
than the most sympathetic administrator has been able to find out, perhaps, in the
course of years. When I say administrator I do not only mean Government official ;
all that I have written applies with equal force to even the best prepared missionary.
Without training it is indeed extremely rare to find what I may call the anthropo-
logical attitude of mind, though there is no scarcity of men who have the fullest
sympathy with those committed to their charge. I do not know how many Govern-
ment officials and missionaries I have watched in close contact with the natives
among whom they lived during the last fifteen years, but the number is certainly
not small, and during that time I have met but two men, one an Englishman and
the other an Italian, who had found and trodden the anthropological path unaided.

From MR. T. C. HODSON, Secretary of the Royal Anthropological Institute : —

. . . Once more as Secretary of the Institute may I wish you all success in
your endeavour to persuade the authorities of Birmingham to take up the teaching
of Applied Anthropology. It is not to Government servants alone to whom it is of
use, but to every person who is brought into contact, in any capacity whatsoever,
with persons of different culture. The prejudices with which the statesman has to
contend are as much the subject matter for the Anthropologist as are the economic
habits of any society, and if Birmingham does take it up it will, I hope and I am
sure, take it up thoroughly. There is only one way nowadays in a modern university
of the type of Birmingham of organising work of this kind, and that is to secure
the best men for the work, and in a university the investigation of novel problems
by sound and tried methods of experimentation is necessarily of high importance.

In the discussion which followed : —

SIR EVERARD IM THURX, K.C.M.G., late High Commissioner in the Pacific,
said : As one who has himself spent most of his active life among and in sympathy
with "natives," i.e., with folk whose material culture has advanced comparatively
little, and certainly in a very different direction from that followed by our own
ancestors, I strongly support the proposal put forward by our President — that a
great and urgent imperial purpose would be served by the establishment of a great
anthropological centre — call it school, institute, or what you like — at which youths
who go out from home to serve in the distant parts of the empire might learn to
think and act in accordance with the lessons taught by the science of Anthropology.

My own experience during more than thirty years of administration among
natives, first in Guiana, then for a few years at the Colonial Office — wherein the
strings that pull the native affairs of our Empire are moved — then for three years in
Ceylon, and lastly for seven years in the islands of the South Seas, makes me most
strongly wish for the establishment of such a centre.

In my case, an innate taste for natural history — and especially for the natural
history of man — was, after my first couple of years among natives, given a more
serious trend by a chance meeting — the beginning of a life-long friendship — with

[ 188 ]

1913,] MAN. [No. 102.

Sir Edward Tylor, the father of modern scientific Anthropology in England. But.
despite this exceptional advantage, I know that it would have been an enormous
gain to me — and certainly of advantage to the Empire which I have humbly served
— had I started with a preliminary training in anthropological method, and had I
been able throughout my career to turn back for guidance to some centre here at
.home, and to which, in return, I might have imparted my own observations for
more scientific treatment than I could give them while still in the field.

Again, when, as time went on, and I came into a position of greater responsi-
bility, 1 experienced to the fall the difficulty of finding young men who, however
otherwise \vell qualified, were of the right habit of anthropological thought to serve
under and after me.

It has happened that my work has been chiefly with natives of a very primitive
type — with the kind of folk who are usually, but most misleadingly, called "savages,"
rather than the kind much further advanced in social organisation and thought such
as those with whom Indian Civil Service students chiefly have to deal. I think that
a well-thought-out scheme for the anthropological education of the men — and women
— who are to deal with the more primitive folk is even more necessary for imperial
purposes than in the case of those who are to deal with more " civilised " natives.

The Europeans who come most in contact with surviving very primitive folk
are generally — to mention them in the order in which they have usually appeared
on the scene — either traders, missionaries, or administrators. Though myself belong-
ing to the latter class, I have naturally come much in contact with my European
colleagues of the other two classes, and I am quite convinced that we should all
have done much more useful work — for ourselves, for our natives, and for the
Empire to which we belong — if we had had a real training in Anthropology, and
consequently a truer understanding and a more rational sympathy with the natives.

The imperial need for such a school as is proposed seems to me not to admit
of question. As to the exact nature of the school, I would only here add this. I
think that it should be a school in which teachers and students should always
remain in touch. For instance, the teachers should not be mere book and museum
students, but should from time to time be expected to take a turn abroad in the
field ; I mean that by some such arrangement as that by which in places teachers
are permitted to take a year off — a Sabbatical year I think it is sometimes called —
the teachers should visit their students abroad. On the other hand, the students,
after graduation, should remain associated in some way with the institute or school ;
they should habitually send their observations for record at that school, and should
revisit it for fresh study Avhenever they are at home on leave.

I am, of course, aware that Anthropology is already taught at some of our
universities and similar institutions, but I do not think that anywhere, in any one
place, has the machinery for such teaching been sufficiently advanced to do much
real and widespread good. If at every university there were a thoroughly good
anthropological school it would be a splendid thing for the Empire. But even one
really adequately-equipped school would be costly, and I think it would be well to
concentrate efforts, and to aim — at least at first — at one really good school.

Where that school should be I am not prepared to say. Birmingham is said
to offer special advantages for it. Personally, as an Oxford man, I should prefer
to see the school established at Oxford. But the selection of the site practically
depends chiefly on the generous donor or donors who will provide the funds,
necessarily large.

MR. W. CROOKE, from his experience of twenty-five years' service in the
Bengal Civil Service, cordially supported this proposal to organise anthropological
teaching for selected candidates of the Indian services. He laid special stress on the

[ 189 ]

No. 102.] MAN. [1913.

encouragement of the study of the native languages, and suggested a special course
of teaching of the rules of Oriental etiquette, particularly necessary since the unfor-
tunate estrangement of a section of the educated classes from the British officials,
which necessitates care to prevent offence to persons nervously concerned about their
own dignity.

At the same time, he was not inclined to advocate instruction in special anthro-
pological problems. It was inadvisable to familiarise students with theories which
tended to the search for material in support of one suggestion or the other. All
that was necessary was to arouse the faculty of curiosity and investigation, to show
to young officers how fascinating the study of anthropology and folklore was. The
present course of instruction in this country lasted only one year, and if Anthropology
were made a regular subject there was a danger of overburdening students, with the
result that they would reach India jaded and overworked. The definite study of
Anthropology could be secured only by abandoning part of the present curriculum,
which was the minimum accepted by the Government of India.

LiEUT.-CoLONEL P. R. GuRDON (Assam), said : I do not think I can profitably
add to the very cogent and admirably-expressed arguments of Sir Richard Temple
in favour of a School of Applied Anthropology in England, except to say that Sir
Richard Temple's plan might be made to fit in with the scheme outlined by Sir
Archdale Earle, Chief Commissioner of Assam, in his statement forwarded to the
Public Service Commission. This scheme provides for the establishment of a college,
not only for European officers about to proceed to the East, but for Indians who
are candidates for admission to the Indian Services as well. European candidates for
employment in the Indian Services would thus be thrown in direct contact with
Indians early in their career, and be able to understand something of the Indian
point of view, a matter of very great importance, which 1 venture to think has not
so far received sufficient attention. The scheme might be extended so as to suit the
needs of the colonies, e.g., the African colonies. At the college Applied Anthro-
pology should be made one of the principal subjects, also Indian and other necessary
languages. Anthropology, which includes ethnography, has received some attention
in India of recent years, an ethnographic survey having been undertaken by the
Indian Government. Unfortunately this survey could not be completed for want of
funds, but a considerable amount of work was done in the shape of preparation and
publication of detailed accounts of castes and tribes in various Provinces. In Assam,
at the instigation of Sir Bampfylde Fuller, the then Chief Commissioner, the prepara-
tion of a series of tribal monographs by selected officers has been undertaken, which,
as Sir Richard Temple has pointed out, has proved most useful already. Up to the
present time seven such monographs have been published, and more are under
preparation. It may be mentioned that both the Assam and the Eastern Bengal and
Assam Governments generously provided a large proportion of the funds for the
publication of these monographs. I should like to refer also to the services of Messrs.
Macmillan & Co. in this connection. The recording of accounts of tribes and castes,
however, does not quite meet all the needs of the case, as young men proceeding to
the East do not possess either the time or the inclination usually to read many books
of study beyond those which are compulsory for their examinations. What is required,
I venture to think, is oral and ocular demonstration to be obtained from lectures
(to be made interesting) and a good anthropological museum and library in England.
Both of these could be provided at the School of Applied Anthropology outlined by
Sir Richard Temple. A few words in conclusion. It is impossible to over-estimate
the importance of officers, who are candidates for the Indian Services, learning some-
thing about the habits and customs of the people who are about to be committed to
their care, as well as the standard language, or standard languages, of the Province

[ 190 ]

1913.] MAN. [No. 102.

of their appointment. Young men at present come out to India often astonishingly
ignorant of the conditions of the country and the people, and only learn what to
avoid by making continual mistakes. Many such mistakes would be obviated probably
if some knowledge of Indian ethnology as well as languages were made compulsory
before officers took up their work in India. I therefore cordially support Sir Richard
Temple's scheme.

DR. A. C. HADDOX, F.R.S., Reader in Ethnology in the University of Cambridge,
said : Anthropology has been taught systematically for some years in the Universities
of Oxford, Cambridge, and London, and the older universities would welcome the
establishment of the subject in Birmingham, Manchester, Liverpool, or anywhere else.
In university instruction there are two main classes of students to be considered, the
elementary and the advanced. The former require more or less formal lectures,
owing to the lack of adequate text-books. The latter should be lectured to as little
as possible, conversational classes and direction of reading and research being best
suited for their needs. What is most appropriate in the anthropological instruction
of those who are going abroad as Government officials, missionaries, or traders is
neither a cramming up of various theories nor even an accumulation of ascertained
facts, but a general survey of the main principles of the science, with an indication
as to how the student can acquire information for himself. The real training of the
student should be in what may be termed attitude of mind, both as regards relations
with natives, whether civilised or uncultured, and as regards the methods of ethno-
logical investigation. Even in the investigation of savages, and still more so in
dealings with the more cultured peoples, behaviour and etiquette are of prime
importance, and students should be warned to make it their first business to discover
the rules of conduct that obtain locally so that friction may be avoided. This
applies not only to officials and missionaries, but if possible with still more force
to those who enter into trading relations with alien peoples.

An essential part of the equipment of a School of Anthropology is a departmental
library and museum. The museum may be one of the museums of a university, or
some arrangement may be made between a municipal museum and the teaching staff
of the university, as, for example, at Liverpool.

Various departments of the Government are beginning to realise the practical
importance of ethnological knowledge in the administration of the portions of the
Empire which are under their care. At the present time successful candidates of
the Indian Civil Service are not expected to study ethnology, and, indeed, with the
great amount of work they have to crowd into their preparatory year, it could hardly
bo expected of them. But in two successive years the Indian Civil Service students
at the University of Cambridge requested me to give them a course of lectures on
the ethnology of India, as they felt that such knowledge would be of value to them.
It would be well if more time could be allowed to such students, and then definite
instruction in ethnology might be compulsory.

The anthropological sciences have such a wide outlook that they throw light
upon many other subjects, such as history, law, economics, sociology, theology,
literature, and the fine arts, so that, apart from the direct practical importance of
the subject itself, Anthropology should be taught and studied in every important
university.

DR. R. R. MARETT, Reader in Social Anthropology, Oxford, said that he wished
to bear out Dr. Haddon's contention that in some universities at any rate the teaching
of Anthropology had already made considerable headway. Thus at Oxford the
interest in Anthropology was no new thing, the Tradescant Collection of ethnological
material going back to 1685, while exactly 200 years later the Pitt-Rivers Museum
was established, Sir E. Tylor having been appointed Reader in Anthropology in the

No. 102.] MAN. [1913.

previous year — namely, 1884. The Oxford School of Anthropology Avas not, however,
organised on its present scale until, iu response to a memorandum presented hy Sir
E. Tylor and others in 1904, the university instituted a diploma and certificates in
Anthropology. Between 1906 and 1913 the names of 66 students have appeared on
the register, of whom 40 have entered for examination and 33 have proved successful,
8 of them obtaining " distinction," the standard being equivalent to that of a first
class in a Final Honours School. The development of the school has bee-n rapid, as
the following figures will show : In 1906 there was 1 student ; in 1907 there were 4 ;
in 1908, 6; in 1909, 7 ; in 1910, 10 ; in 1911, 24 ; and in 1912, 34. Various classes
of students show an interest in the subject. Besides 11 women of all nationalities,
there have been 17 men from the British Isles, 8 from the Colonies (of whom
5 were Rhodes scholars), 7 from the United States (of whom 4 were Rhodes scholars),
and 2 from the Continent. In addition, 21 officers of the Public Service have
undergone the same course of anthropological training, of whom 10 hail from West
Africa, 9 from the Anglo-Egyptian Soudan and Egypt, 1 from British East Africa,
and 1 from India. The officers in question are, of course, mainly interested in the
subject from the practical point of view of administrators and men of affairs, though
several have managed to produce scientific work of some importance into the bargain.
Of the other students, at least a dozen have enlisted for research work in various
parts of the ethnological field. Even at home there is plenty to do for the trained
anthropologist, and several students have, for instance, been helping the Folk-lore
Society to collect material for their projected edition of Brand's Antiquities, a work
needing accuracy and critical acumen, and in certain ways especially suitable for
women students. These facts are enough to show that there are plenty of keen
anthropologists in the making, whose number will doubtless steadily augment as
more and more teaching centres are available for the propagation of the requisite
knowledge.

PROFESSOR PETER THOMPSOX, of Birmingham University, said that with the
remarks of the President and the succeeding speakers he imagined they would be
in general agreement, and he did not propose to labour that side of the question.
He would, however, like to take this opportunity of stating what the position of
Anthropology in the University was at the present time. A student could take a
B.Sc. Degree in Human Anatomy and Anthropology, a course of three years. In
Anthropology he must attend a course of general embryology and a course of
lectures and practical instruction in Physical Anthropology. At present those who
took the degree were mainly medical students, and some of these might pass into
the Indian Medical Service. If there were any demand on the part of merchants
and others for a course of Social or Cultural Anthropology the machinery for such
a course already existed. The nucleus was there. It only wanted developing. It
was largely a question of money, since a special lecturer or reader in this subject
would be necessary. If the money were forthcoming he would be glad to bring the
matter before the authorities of the \iniversity ; with regard to a museum, they
already had the beginnings of an ethnological museum, fairly good on the prehistoric
side (thanks to the gifts of Sir John Holden, Mr. Seton-Karr, and other generous
donors), not so good on the cultural side. It seemed to him that a good way to
proceed, once the matter emerged into a practical scheme, was to associate it with
the Faculty of Commerce, for there we have students who look forward to business
careers, at home and abroad, preparing for a Commerce Degree, and under existing
arrangements such students could take an approved course selected for the Faculty
of Science. If a School of Anthropology were developed, it seemed likely that these
students who intended going abroad would choose a course of Applied Anthropology,
once the great importance of the subject was brought home to them.
Printed by EYRE AND SPOTTISWOGDK, LTD., His Majesty's Printers, East Harding Street, E.C.

,<,*?•

r^

PLATE M.

MAN, 1913.

ANCIENT MEALING HOLES AT JEBELAIN, SUDAN.

1913,] MAN. [Nos. 103-105.

ORIGINAL ARTICLES.
Egypt: Sudan. With Plate M. Seton-Karr.

Ancient Mealing Holes at Jebelain, Sudan. By II. II . Seton-Karr. 4 flQ

I have returned from a trip up the White Nile, and the photographs of lUU
some examples of hollows for mealing grain were taken by me in January 1913.
These are found in numerous spots round the bases of the isolated granite peaks of
Jebelain, about 60 miles south of Kosti or Goz-abu-Guma, where the Sudan Railway
to El Obeid, in Kordofan, crosses the river. In the vicinity of these mealing holes
broken grinding-stones can be picked up. The holes or hollows are more numerous
near the river than on the more distant peaks.

There would seem to have been a numerous population at one time.

A great period of time may have elapsed since they were last in use. There
are no other ancient remains visible and no ruins are seen at Jebelain. The word
means two peaks, but there are in reality three, and numerous smaller ones.

The surrounding country is perfectly flat and covered with thorn trees. The
rocks at the base are the resort of wild animals, and I killed a panther, two hyenas,
and four lions in the neighbourhood this year. H. W. SETON-KARR.

India. Hodson.

Secret Bargaining. By T. C. Hodson. If) A

When the person wishing to buy denotes a hundred, he takes one finger of I U^
the person to whom he makes the offer, in his hand, grasps it firmly, and mentions in
a whisper the word, Pakka, and for every additional hundred he takes a finger. When
5 rupees are mentioned, then the word Dana is whispered, and one finger is grasped
for every 5 rupees mentioned, e.g., 25 rupees for five fingers. When a single rupee
is offered one finger is grasped and the word Sute is whispered. A bargain made
by the above means is to be kept secret during the mela or till the buyer leaves the
place of purchase, and this is very strictly adhered to. An offer made by this means
is not disclosed by either party, and it would be a great breach of etiquette to do so.
Offers made and accepted by this scheme are regarded, as final and binding.

(From a private letter.) T. C. HODSON.

Archaeology. Elliot Smith.

The Origin of the Dolmen. By G. Elliot Smith, F.R.S. 4 AT

Since Reisner explained (1908) the mode of evolution of the mastaba type lUU
of superstructure, which in its fully-developed form as a stone construction is so charac-
teristic a feature of the Egyptian tomb of the Pyramid Age, Mace (1909),* Quibell
(1912),t Junker (1912),J and Flinders Petrie (1913),§ have supplied the data 'which
complete and corroborate the story. In the light of this recently-acquired knowledge
of the gradual transformation of the Egyptian grave (a process that occupied the
five or six centuries from 3400 B.C. onward) to meet conditions peculiar to Egypt,
and to overcome difficulties incidental to the practice of Egyptian beliefs, it is
altogether inconceivable that the more or less crude, though none the less obvious
imitations of the essential parts of the fully-developed mastaba, which are seen in the
Sardinian " Giants' Tombs," the allees couvertes of France and elsewhere, the wide-
spread " holed dolmens," and all the multitude of " vestigial structures," to use a
biological analogy, represented in the protean forms of the Algerian and Tunisian
dolmens, could have been invented independently of the Egyptian constructions.

* G. A. Reisner and A. C. Mace, "Early Dynastic Cemeteries at Naga-ed-Der, 1908 and 1909.
f J. E. Quibell, " Excavations at Saqqara," paper read at British Association meeting, 1912.
J Hermann Junker, Dehksc/ir. d. It. Akad. d. Wissensch. in Wien, Bd. LVI, 1912.
§ W. M. Flinders Petrie, " Excavations at Tarkhan," paper read at British Association meeting
1913. See also MAX, 1913, No. 85.

[ 193 ]

No. 105,]

MAN.

[1913.

All of these varieties of dolmens are obviously due to different stages of degrada-
tion of the Egyptian stone mastaba, as the result mainly of attempts to build such
superstructures by craftsmen less skilled than the Egyptians were.

The essential parts of the Egyptian stone mastaba of the Pyramid Age, shown
quite diagrammatically in the plan Fig. 1, were : (a) the vertical shaft (varying in
depth from a few feet to as much as a hundred feet, in accordance with the wealth of
its makers) leading to the burial chamber (B), in which the corpse, enclosed in a
wooden coffin or stone sarcophagus, was immured ; (b) a mound of rubble, which may
be referred to briefly as the tumulus (T), surrounding the continuation of the shaft
above ground ; (c) four walls of masonry (the retaining wall) enclosing the tumulus
and thus forming the mastaba (M), sensu stricto ; (d) an enclosure, on the side

of the mastaba facing
the river (i.e., the east
end as a rule, after the
Third Dynasty), which
may be referred to as the
chapel of offerings (C) ;
(e) on its western side,
as a rule, the eastern
retaining wall of the
mastaba forms the west
wall of the chapel, and
bears the representation
of one or more false doors,
one of which (the stela)
(H), is regarded as sym-
bolising the means of
communication between
the living and the dead,
and hence as the place
where the former can

3

DIAGRAMS TO ILLUSTRATE THE EVOLUTION OF THE DOLMEN (5),
FROM THE EGYPTIAN MASTABA (1), BY A PROCESS OF DEGRADA-
TION VARIOUS STAGES OF WHICH ARE SEEN IN THE SARDINIAN
" GIANT'S TOMB " (2), THE FRENCH ALLEE COUVERTE (3), AND
THE HOLED DOLMEN (4).

2, W/nX lk/K^i place offerings of food for

the latter ; and (/*) hidden
iu the tumulus, somewhere
between the chapel and
the burial shaft is a small
chamber (S), now usually
known as the serdab,
which was the home of
the dead man or his dis-
embodied spirit (see foot-
note on next page).

This serdab was originally (late Second or Third Dynasty) merely a small
chamber behind the false door of the chapel, with its own western wall made in
the form of a false door (Quibell), no doubt symbolising the manner in which the
spirit entered this little hidden room when it came up from the burial chamber.
Possibly, as Quibell suggests, there were also representations of the deceased upon
the walls of this chamber. Whether this was the case or not perhaps further exca-
vation will decide ; but it is well known that in the Pyramid Age this serdab was
built of stone (often of great vertical slabs, and roofed with one or more slabs) ; and
there was placed within it a portrait statue (s1) of the dead man (sometimes also
statues of his wife, family, and servants) as a body for his disembodied spirit

[ 19* ]

1913.] MAN. [Nos, 105-106.

(Breasted) ; and a slit-like aperture (H) was often made to open into the chapel, as
a means whereby the spirit could pass into the chapel and enjoy the food provided
for it.

This conception of the serdab as a dwelling-place for the dead man's spirit
appealed strongly to the imagination of a superstitious people ; and when the mastaba
came to he imitated by less skilful workmen amidst less cultured peoples, say, for
example, in the case of an Egyptian dying in some foreign country, where there
were no craftsmen capable of carving statues, the serdab would still be retained. la
fact it came to be looked upon as the most essential part of the superstructure, for
was it not the dwelling for the dead man's spirit, and as such the means whereby
that spirit could be prevented from wandering abroad and annoying the living. Thus
the serdab* increased in size and importance.

In the Sardinian "Giant's Tomb" (Fig. 2) the Egyptian ma*/a6a-construction
is most closely followed, for all of the following features (in addition to the charac-
teristic orientation) are preserved : — The chapel of offerings (C), usually called the
forecourt, with a large carved stela (H), which is also the " holed stone " ; the
greatly overgrown serdab (S), the western end of which has become merged in
the burial chamber (B), the tumulus (T), and its retaining wall (M). The size of
the tumulus, and consequently the form of its retaining wall, is very variable, and
in the solitary instance of this type of grave found in Ireland these features were
missing.

When thus stripped of its investments (tumulus and retaining wall) the chapel
and the overgrown serdab (which is now also the burial chamber) alone remain
(Fig. 3), and the result is the allee couverte. The rough representation of the human
figure sometimes found in the vestibule (chapel) of the allee couverte (Fig. 3, a),
alongside the holed stone (stela) corresponds to the bas-relief of the deceased
found alongside the false door in the chapel of the Egyptian mastaba (Fig. 1, a),
and the " cup markings " of the dolmen probably symbolise food offerings.

The smaller " holed dolmens " (Fig. 4), whether they occur in Europe, the
Caucasus, or India, represent a further simplification of the allee couverte, and among
people who could not bore a hole in a stone slab, the eastern wall was omitted
(Fig. 5). Thus the crudest form of rough dolmen is the descendant of the serdab
of the Egyptian mastaba. G. ELLIOT SMITH.

New Ireland : Mythology. Cox.

New Ireland (New

Ulit, Bismarck Archipel.

New Ireland (New Mecklenburg) Myths. By Rev. //'. //. Cox, 4IIO

ORIGINS.

There are variations in the stories told of the beginnings of man as we know
him.

One story is that the maker, or father, of all things is Larunaen, whose seat is
in the west — a matana labur, the face or the source of the north-west winds. His
feet reach to the matana taubara, the face or the source of the south-west winds.

His wife, Hintabaran, a woman of an evil spirit, was really his sister, and was
called a nuna harahut (his helper), and all people are his descendants.

When they multiplied Larunaen made the earth so that he could send away
those whom he did not wish to stay longer with him, and so we have the present
population.

Those who remained with Larunaen are called a mataneabar na tadar (the people
of the gods).

* Dr. Alan Gardiner tells me that in the anicent texts reference is made to the dead man
himself, and not his spirit, as the worker of evil.

[ 195 ]

No. 106.] -MAN. £1913.

Another story is that before Larunaen were Soi and Tamono, who in every
version occupy an important place. They were married to two women who came
from a large forest tree which burst and gave them forth. These two couples are
the ancestors of man.

According to both versions Larnnaen provides man with all that he needs to
sustain bodily life. All food comes from Larunaen, and whenever there is a shortage,
such as is caused by drought, Laruuaen is blamed. It is said that someone has
annoyed him and in his anger he withholds the needed rains.

Earthquakes are supposed to be caused by Larunaen. When they are felt
Larunaen is said to be on the move.

Man came from the west, and Soi and Tamono are respectively the heads of
the two great classes — Maramara and Pikalaba, into which all the people are
divided.

The sending of the population abroad and the division into classes is said by
some to have taken place at a spot to the north-west where a crooked cocoanut
called Satale stands. By others it is said that the population coming from the
seat of Larunaen moved south and: east, and about Eratubu they were divided into
two classes — Maramara and Pikalaba.

The relations between Soi and Tamono are regarded as constantly antagonistic,
an attitude which gives rise to a multitude of myths and legends.

Soi is the head of the Maramara class. He is the representative of wisdom
and in all his habits and customs is an intelligent being. Hence the bird chosen as
the totem of the class is the taraqau (fish-hawk), a bird clever and capable in its
own calling. Soi ate only good food — taro, etc. — and all he did was done properly.

Not so Tamono who is the head of the Pikalaba class. He was an incapable
foolish fellow. He ate poor and mean food, bitter and undesirable things. He could
not do anything right. This is suggested in the choice of the Miniqulai or Malabo
(an eagle) as the totem of the class. The Taraqau is the fisher and the Miniqulai
gets his food by stealing from the Taraqau. He will chase the Taraqau, and when
the latter drops his fish the Miniqulai swoops down and catches it ere it reaches
the water or the ground. Hence the Miniqualai. is classed as a Kaloata, the name
by which those who do not go to sea are known.

Members of the Maramara class are said to be known by the fact that when
they step out to walk they lift the right foot first, while the Pikalaba lift the left
foot first.

As in other parts, marriage between members of the same class is forbidden.
The .children follow their mother and belong to her class. The children of a man
cannot marry the children of his sister, though of course they belong respectively
to different classes — the relationship is the barrier.

Some of the stories told of Soi and Tamono : —

Soi was the man of intelligence ; he was also unscrupulous and bad. By
sorcery and other means he is said to have duped and wronged and destroyed the
relatives of Tamono, and by degrees to have become possessed of their property, so
that he was a rich and important chief.

Tamono, on the other hand, was a fool, and frequently fell an easy victim 1o
the deceptions of Soi. Soi had but to tell him that something he was doing was
wrong, and, right or wrong, he would turn round and do it the reverse way, frequently
bringing on himself ridicule.

Some of Tamono's relatives were in a large house, and Soi visiting them saw
their valuables, shell-money, etc., and made up his mind to have them. " Let us
sleep," he said. As they slept Soi went round and tied them all together by heads
and feet alternately, that is, he tied together the heads of two> then he tied the foot

[ 196 ]

1913.] MAN. [No. 106.

of one of those to the foot of his next neighbour, and his head to the head of the
next, and so on. He then went out and shut the door and set fire to the house.
The inmates awoke startled, and wished, of course, to run out, but found they were
tied together and perished.

The women and goods were in another house, and Soi got all, and so from
being a poor man became a rich one and a chief.

Sol's RUSE TO GET A MEAL OF FlSH.

A number of Tamouo's relatives came in with a lot of fish, and Soi, having none,
wished for them. So he said to the people, " Come to my breadfruit tree and get
" some breadfruit to eat with the fish." They went, but Soi ran on ahead and climbed
the tree and waited for them. As they commenced to climb the tree to pick the
.fruit Soi called to them one by one, " Kinaua na ulilig, kinaua na kulap," which is a
playful way of speaking of one climbing and springing and leaping like an opossum.
When they got up the tree he would take a very ripe fruit and throw it at their
heads. They would get a great shock as the squashy thing broke over their heads.
They thought their brains had come out and in the shock fell down dead. So he
did with them one by one, and having disposed of them went back to the village
and enjoyed a good meal of fish.

AFTER DEATH.

New Ireland (N.M.) natives believe that after death they , go to what is known
as a matan. A hole in a cliff' or the opening of a small cave is called a matan.
Such a hole is to be seen at Nokon, on the east coast, its distinctive name being
Matantabaran (the entrance to the abode of spirits).

A man of angry and unkindly spirit is frequently remonstrated with by his
acquaintances, who warn him that he will not go to a matan. Imaginary stories are
told of those who, travelling along the bush paths after the death of such a man,
find here and there the roots of trees which cross the path with bark freshly scarred,
which they believe to have been done in the flight as the deceased was chased from
the matan by its occupants.

Communication with the departed is supposed to have taken place on some
occasions, as witness the following story :—

A man's wife, who was a specially fine woman, died, and her husband was .in
great sorrow for her. He missed her very much and wished for her and wept sorely.
One night, as he slept in his house, he dreamt that his wife was at the place which
is known by the natives as the resort of the spirits of those who have passed away.
He got up and went off to the place, and, standing on a small rise close to, he looked
towards the sea and watched for what might be seen. Soon a number of spirits
came down to bathe, and he strained his eyes to see if his departed wife would show
herself. By-and-bye he saw her and greatly desired to get in touch with her. As
he looked he remembered a bunch of betel-nut and a small packet of wild pepper
which were at his house, and he thought, If I should bring them and throw them to
her she would recognise them and think of me, and perhaps I would be able to speak
to her. He acted on the thought and ran home and got the betel-nut and pepper
and brought them and threw them at his wife from where he stood. She picked
them up and she said to herself, These are like the betel-nut, etc., which were
hanging at our door, and having noticed the direction from which they came she
went up to where her husband was. He said to her, " I have been in great sorrow
for you." " Do not come near me," she said. He said, " I want you to come back
. " with me; there is no woman like you — I want you badly." "I cannot come,''
she said. " Come," he said, ".do come with me." " I cannot," she said, " your body
" and mine are different. I cannot come back with you." At the same time the

[ 197 ]

No. 106.] MAN. [1913.

male spirits, who were bathing, came towards her and called her, " Come here." " Go,"
she said, "go home, or else they will see you and some harm will come to you. By-
" and-bye you can come and waken me," meaning that by-and-bye he would die and
join her in the home of spirits.

He went oft' greatly disappointed and was in great sorrow on the way home. He
told what he had seen — that his wife had appeared to him — and died.

THE HEAVENLY BODIES.

The sun and moon are looked on as the rulers of the heavens. The sun is called
Maluaga and the moon Hintogolopi. When there is a death the relatives wait till
the sun is covered with a cloud, when they beat their drums and blow their shells
and cry out, " Ui, Maluaga, una marasai ra num taman na kareka " (" You sun
" (Maluaga} pity your village of fowls," a humble designation for lowly-minded folk).

They reverence and pray to the moon in the same way.

They have names for a number of the stars, such for instance as the morning
star. It is interesting to note that they call the evening star a tagul a hasaro (the
deceiving star), because it appears in the evening, but soon sets, so that its promise
is not fulfilled.

The changing positions of some other stars are also noticed and their relation to
the seasons noted.

A SOURCE OP MYSTERIES AND VALUABLES.

Sikodo is a fabulous giant who is the source of the ugut, (The ugut is a
method of fishing with traps made of the thorny ends of a species of " wait-a-bit "
vine. The thorny pieces are put together in the shape of a cone, and when the
fish puts its nose inside to get the bait the reversed thorns prevent it from getting
out again.) He, Sikodo, made some traps and went to the beach to go fishing
with them. He covered his canoe with leaves to protect it from the sun, and put
his traps and some small fish for bait near at hand, and in the evening went out
to fish. In the meantime a boy — Padamalana — hid himself in the canoe and when
Sikodo got to sea suddenly the boy started up. Sikodo got a great surprise and
was very angry with the boy, and said to him, " Who are you ? Where have you
come from ? " " I am your nephew," he said. So Sikodo permitted him to stay,
and showed him how to use the traps. They caught many fish. Sikodo strung the
fish on a piece of cane and reached out his long arm from the sea and put the fish
at the door of the house of Padamalana's mother. This was to signify that
Padamalana was catching fish.

They returned and Padamalana accompanied Sikodo to his home in the bush,
called Matanalulur, i.e., n deep hole in the rocks. Sikodo taught Padamalana all
his sorcery, and the words of the petitions which are religiously sung in connection
with the using of the traps.

(Sikodo had as his servants the taraqau or fish-hawk, and the malaba or eagle
respectively, the totems of the Maramara and Pikalaba classes, and they and
Padamalana all lived together.)

When Padamalana had learned things he was to return home, but Sikodo said
first to him, "Be blind." He lost his sight and Sikodo took him in his hand and
put him at his home.

NOTE. — Sikodo was a great giant and had a very long arm, and being on Laur
was able to deposit things at a great distance — even at Duke of York Group.

When Padamalana opened his eyes he saw a great heap of fish which had been
put in front of the house by Sikodo on their behalf. The people asked Padamalana
who caught the fish, and he said that he himself had. He went again to Sikodo and
the latter taught him how to make the traps — -every detail,

[ 198 ]

1913.] .MAN. [Nos. 106-107.

Sikodo stretched out his long arm and dipped the point of his finger in the
sea, and the fish for a great distance in all directions were killed. There was a
great stench and many people died of the smell. This was spoken of as the destruction
by poisoning or shooting of Sikodo — a hunhun te Sikodo.

A LEGEND.

One day Sikodo told Padamalana to make a hat boroi — a representation of a
smooth stone said to resemble a pig. He made it of sand on the beach — dark sand
on one side and light on the other. Padamalana brought the people to see it. They
had to pay to do so with magin (shell money) and dogs' teeth. In return for this
payment they were taught the songs of the kalaua (ugut fish traps) and initiated
into the catching of fish in this way. The hat boroi was decorated with all kinds
of fish and seaweeds, &c. When all was finished Padamalana spread the sand out
again, breaking down the whole thing.

On one occasion Sikodo taught Padamalana how to catch fish with a net. They
went out to sea and had a tremendous haul — sharks, turtles, porpoises, and all kinds
of great fish.

All kinds of valuables — shell money, sharks' teeth, &c., had their source in
Pada-magin, who got them from Sikodo.

On one occasion Pada-magin went to Sikodo's place and saw a fine basket of
magin (shell money) — 10 "men" which means 200 fathoms — 20 fathoms being
counted a " man " — one for each toe and finger of the body.

As his uncle, Sikodo, gave it to Padamalana he went and distributed it to the
people, and so the use and circulation of magin commenced. W. H. COX.

Africa, East. Werner.

A Few Notes on the Wasanye. By A. Werner. |fl7

While at Witu on December 9, 1912, I had, through the kindness of the lUf

Sultan, an opportunity of seeing three Wasanye of that district and obtaining a few

specimens of their language. Unfortunately, my stay was too short to allow of more

than one interview, and this is the more to be regretted as the Wasanye in the

district (Mambrui) only speak Galla and appear to have no knowledge of any other

language. The numerals given me by .the Witu Wasanye were as follows : —

1 = Watukwe. 6 = Tawate Olu Watukwe.

2 = I/ima. 7 = „ Olu Lima.

3 = Kaya (V = bilabial v). 8 = „ Olu Kaya.

4 = Sa'ala. 9 = „ Olu Sa'ala.

5 = Tawate. 10 = [Kumi.]

I do not know whether the word for " ten " was given me by mistake, or
whether they have adopted the Bantu one.

The other words obtained were : —

Bow = ala. Arrow = ado.

Bowstring = doo. „ poison = taa.

Quiver = kirangati.
Salutations : —

On meeting : Faide — Andiila — Niso — Roiga.
On parting: Amani kuu (Swahili?) — Kai kawatichi

I obtained a phonograph record of the numerals and two songs, but I fear not
a very successful one.

The first song, described in Swahili as a "song of magic" (Wimbo wa uganga\

[ 199 ]

No. 107.] MAN. [1913.

appeared to be half Pokomo. This I could not succeed in taking down. The other
on killing a lion, was as follows : —

" Woye weya ekatimisodira.
Kwatukile samure.
Guya wadiro gete."*

On March 22, 1913, Bwana Amiu (an old Somali, related to the Sultan of
Barawa, and living at Pumwani, a few miles inland frOm Mambriii), induced a family
of Wasanye (or, as they call themselves and are called by the Galla, Wata) to come to
Mambrui from Marafa for (as he and I hoped) five days, but their stay was cut short
at the end of three. They consisted of Abajila, his wife Halako, and their two
children, Diramn, a girl of nine or ten, and Galgalo, a baby boy of about a year. They
lost two children between these two, and in consequence of this, Galgalo wears a
string (kunche) threaded with charms (pingu) tied to his right wrist and right ankle,
and his mother has a number of scars on her back and right arm. These were
incisions made by a Giryama doctor, in order to prevent a recurrence of the mis-
fortune, medicine being rubbed into the cuts. (Abajila says the Wasanye have no
doctors of their own, but go to the Wagiryama for treatment when necessary.)

Abajila recognised most of the names on Captain Barrett's list (Journal of the
Royal Anthropological Institute, Vol. XLL, p. 29), which are nearly all names of
Galla clans.| He did not seem certain of the name Bolazu, but said there was a
Balat clan hoko mbee, a long way off to the north ; he did not know their mark.
The Gullug, likewise, he had heard of, but they, too, were a long way off. He had
also heard of the Wasanye at Witu, who speak a language which is not Galla, and
said they belonged to the Midan clan.

It was somewhat perplexing to find him saying that all the Wasanye at Marafa
belonged to three clans (or tribes ?) only — Gede, Wacho, Wayama, his own being
the Gede, and on the following day stating that he belonged to the Karara. As
lie speaks Swahili somewhat imperfectly, and no interpreter was available, it is
difficult to make out exactly what is meant. But further inquiry revealed the fact
that, while he is a Karara and his wife a Gulu, both of them are Gede ; so it
seems likely, either that the latter is a term belonging to an independent system of
classification (perhaps the original one superseded by the Galla) or that it includes
the others as sub-divisions. But, as will be seen in the list given presently, the
Gede, Wacho and Wayama have their marks like the rest.

Abajila says that his chief is Abashora, of the Gamado Clan, who lives at
Arabuko, a day's journey S.W. of Mambrui. This is no doubt the Abashora Burrtum
mentioned by Captain Barrett. Abajila's pedigree, so far as obtainable, is as follows : —

(Karara) OMARO — Gatiye (Gulu)

!

ABASHORA — Diramu (Hajej) DULO — Harufa (Hani) GWIYO GALGALO — Halako

Id. no ch. d. unm. (Hani)

no ch.

BARISA — Haduwati ABASHORA — Diramu ABAJILA — Halako BARISA — Harufa

(Gulu)

no ch.

(Hani)

(Gulu) (Gamad)

no ch.

KOMORO Diramu GALGALO

* This seems to mean, " I have killed him, go and look at him. Listen ! 1 have struck him ! "
f Irdid and Arusi are synonymous, and are not names of a clan, but of one of the exogamous

divisions of the Galla nation. They may, however, have been adopted as the names of separate

Sanye clans.

i 200

1913.] MAN. [Nos. 107-108.

Strangely enough, Halako's parents are also named Abashora (son of Dida)
tnd Halako (Gamado clan). Dida's wife, Diramu, belonged to the Sabale clan.

Abajila knows the marks of all the Clans, with the two exceptions above noted,
and drew them for me, but subsequent inquiry seems to show that these marks are
only used on arrows, and his drawings do not correspond with those on the sticks
carved for me by Wasanye at Magarini, Arabuko, and Mtundia. The following is
the list of the clans as Abajila gave them : —

1. Agude. 11. Wayu.

2. Hani. 12. Karayu.

3. Hajej. 13. Irdid. (He says Arusi is the same

4. Gulu. as Irdid).

5. Gamado. 14. Gede.

6. Sabale. 15. Kodyega.

7. Sunkana. 16. Meta. (Captain Barrett's Menta).

8. Mandoyu. 17. Bedi. ( „ „ Buddi).

9. Wacho. 18. Nyutu. ( „ „ Nurtu).
10. Wayama. 19. Midan.*

He does not seem to know of any private individual marks and says he uses
none on his arrows, but that of the clan. (Subsequently a man at Magarini showed
me his private mark carved across the clan mark on his arrows.)

As regards Mr. Hobley's Ariangulu Vocabulary (see MAN, February, 1912,
No. 9) I have found, by repeated inquiry, that nearly all the words are Galla.
Where they differ from the Galla words printed in the parallel column, this is
evidently due to the latter being in the northern dialect, except in one or two
cases where there seems to have been some mistake, as in worabo (? worabes
= hyena) for "rhinoceros."

Chuguruba = " an arrow," I have failed to identify, unless it could possibly be
the same as Turkuma, which Abajila says is the wooden shaft of the arrow, the
head (Swahili chembe) being Tiya.

In passing I may remark that Ule JVakat, "the rainbow," is not " the bow," but
" the staff ( Ule) of God." The Milky Way seems to be called Adi Wakat, " the
white (thing) of God."

I should like to add to the notes published in December, 1912, the fact that
the Pokomo Vimia Viume are the three stars in Orion's belt, while the Vimia Vike
are the Pleiades.

The Wapokomo have a name for the Southern Cross — the only native one I
have yet heard of — Nyoha za Kirwa. I have not yet been able to obtain any
explanation of this. A. WERNER.

Southern Nigeria : Physical Anthropology. Talbot.

Measurements of Nkokolie, Cross River, Southern Nigeria. By IfjO

P. Amaury Talbot. IUO

Below are given measurements of the Nkokolie tribe — to give them their own
name — or Ekuri, as they are called by their neighbours the Efiks and Ekoi. Their
chief town is Ekuri Owai, about 50 miles north of Calabar.

* Later inquiries showed that some of these rank as sub-divisions of others, e.g.t Gulu and Nyurtu
(Nyutu), with several others, are sub-divisions of the Hani. I also found that all the clan -names are
names of Galla clans, and that this is explained by the fact that every Wat clan is associated with —
and in a sense dependent upon — the corresponding Galla clan. That the names originally belong to
the Galla, and have been adopted from them by the Wat, seems clear from the fact that two of the
names (Karayn and Meta) were found by Krapf among the Galla of Abyssinia. But the Wat of the
Karayn clan abstain from cutting down a tree called Karayn, and the Galla, so far as my inquiries
have gone, deny all knowledge of th prohibition, nor have I been able to ascertain if the name of
the tree is Galla.

[ 201 ]

Nos. 108-109.]

MAN.

[1913.

The tribal mark consists of several small circles of concentric rings, cut at the
side of the face from the temple downwards, into which a mixture of ground charcoal
and palm oil has been rubbed. The upper canines and incisors are filed to a point,
as sometimes the corresponding lower teeth also. A description of this people, with
a vocabulary, will be found in my book, In the Shadow of the Bush (Heineman).

Name.

Age.

1

2

3

4

5

6

7

8

9

10

11

12

13

14

15

16

17

18

19

Oyi -

25

151

199

139

49

60

42

105

130

582

1665

1639

2-3

0

3-4

1

1

3

0

0

Ote -

25

144

201

145

44

60

39

104

128

577

1675

1755

1-3

1

3't

1

1

3

0

0

Parauo -

50

136

1H9

136

45

56

43

102

126

r>33

1641

1722

2'5

1

3-4

2

2

3

1

1

'Oluri

30

147

193

143

47

57

41

101

125

546

1620

1729

2-3

1

3-4

1

2

3

0

0

K.itim

30

141

193

143

M

61

42

111

128

668

1752

1788

2-4

1

3-4

1

1

3

0

0

Mbe

40

150

201

139

48

51

36

100

127

584

1659

1701

2-3

1

8-4

1

2

3

0

0

Ngwa

22

140

197

HO

45

59

40

110

129

551

1K75

1717

2'4

0

3-4

1

2

3

0

0

Aiimor -

4fi

143

107

137

50

50

41

108

121

566

1644

1651

2'4

0

3-4

1

2

3

1

1

Ameru -

45

145

193

134

44

60

48

111

123

241

1717

1742

1*3

1

2-4

2

2

3

1

1

Oke

50

151

189

145

48

59

43

110

128

554

1'686

1778

2-4

1

3-4

1

1

3

1

1

Akwabang

50

143

197

142

45

60

42

103

126

541

1701

1767

1-3

0

2-4

2

2

2

1

1

Oyama .-

43

146

193

142

42

60

44

110

122

561

1560

1678

V4

2

3-4

2

1

3

1

1

Ote - . -

50

153

196

142

42

62.

43

111)

127

579

1615

1793

2-4

1

3-4

1

1

3

1

1

Ikum

30

143

188

135

43

56

37

105

121

541

1641

1725

2-4

0

3-4

2

2

3

0

0

Akam

55

147

199

145

51

65

46

11«

1S2

556

1684

1708

2-3

1

2-4

1

1

3

1

1

Ejnm

45

137

189

138

47

6?

40

108

125

531

1713

1696

2-4

1

3-4

1

2

3

1

1

Okun

45

138

190

137

42

60

41

111

122

546

1767

1742

2-4

1

3-4

1

2

3

1

1

Uyor

50

143

193

143

45

63

40

119

129

541

1659

1729

2-3

0

34

1

1

3

1

1

Akata -

50

147

200

142

54

62

45

115

128

579

1637

1659

1-4

2

3-4

1

1

3

1

0

Mbang -

55

150

196

150

48

65

48

118

131

564

1662

1618

2-4

1

3 4

1

1

3

1

0

Average -

42

145

194

141

46

50

42

109

127

557

1684

1722

2-4

1

3-4

1

2

3

1

1

1. HeaJ breadth.

2. „ length.

3. „ bizz.

4. Nose breadth.

5. ., Nas. to Alv.

6. „ Nas. to Sept.

7. „ Nas. to Chin.

*. ., Vertex to Tragus.
9. „ ©

10. Height.

11. Span.

12. Ears. (1) outstanding, (2) not,

(3) small, (4) nied

13. Prognathism. (0) absent, (1) tned.

(2) much.

14. Lips. (1) thin, (2) med., (3) thick,

(4) everted.

15. Forehead. (1) high, (2) med., (3) low.

16. Forehead. (1) broad, (2) med.,

(3) narrow.

17. „ (1) receding, (2)slightly,

(3) not.

18. Hair on face. (0) absent, (1) med.,

(2) much.

19. Hair on body. (0) absent, (1) med.,

(2) much.

P. AMAURY TALBOT.

REVIEWS.
The Near East. Hall.

The Ancient History of the Near East, from the Earliest Times to the 4 (If)
Battle of Salamis. By H. R. Hall, M.A., F.S.A. London, 1913. 8vo. IUu
Pp. xxiv. + 602. With thirty-three plates and fourteen maps. Price 15.9. net.

The scope of this book is fully explained in its title. Brilliant as Maspero's
Histoire Ancienne was, as a first survey of the results of two generations of research,
and ably as it has been kept in touch with subsequent work through no less than
ten editions, it was inevitable that sooner or later its place should be challenged
by a manual constructed on the rather different plan which present-day knowledge
requires. For English readers, there can be little doubt that Mr. Hall's book will
take and hold that place. Though designed, as the preface states, to be of use
to students in the Oxford School of Liters Humaniores, it will in fact appeal to
a far wider public ; and for Oxford men, the regrettable specialism as to authors
and periods of study which besets the " Final Classical School " has advanced, since
Mr. Hall's student days, from toleration to exclusion of much that this book discusses.
Herodotus, indeed, is still read, but Ancient History only begins officially in 776 B.C.
The later chapters, however, are well adapted to serve as a running commentary on
the earlier books of Herodotus, and as an introduction to the complex period within
which historic Greece takes rise. They tell a complicated story for which the
evidence is fragmentary and multifarious — literary texts, inscriptions in several Oriental
languages, coins, sculpture, pottery, and the geographical distribution of the ancient
sites from which Greeks gave and received in their intercourse with the East ; and
it is not easy to keep the perspective clear ; but Mr. Hall has used his materials

[ 202 j

1913.] MAN. [No. 109.

with much judgment and breadth of view, and has certainly produced a narrative of
the growth of the Persian Empire, and of that Empire's struggle with the Greeks,
which was much needed, and is far fuller and more useful than anything which has
been attempted in English since George Rawlinson's Ancient Monarchies, to which
it stands in much the same relation as the recent commentary of Messrs. How and
Wells to Rawlinson's edition of Herodotus. And it is no derogation from Mr. Hall's
own learning and historical insight, if one traces here and there in this section some-
thing of the standpoint and mode of presentment of a brilliant and stimulating teacher,
too early lost to Oxford, the late W. G. Pagson Smith, to whose memory the whole
book is dedicated.

But these later chapters only take up the story at the point where a three-fold
tale, the history of the two River-Cultures, and that of the Island World of the West,
becomes finally and inextricably one. The sections which precede, on Egypt, Babylonia,
and Assyria, and their earlier relations with each other, could only be criticised
adequately in detail by Orientalists. To the student of Western history they offer
just the kind of general introduction which he needs, utilising and expanding the
author's own contributions to a recent collaborated book, Egypt and Western Asia
in the Light of Recent Discoveries, and expanding and supplementing them very
thoroughly. Leaving special treatises out of account — and in English there are but
few even of these — there is at present no survey of these Eastern civilisations at all
so conveniently planned, to present the main lines of each people's history, without
losing sight of their several places in the history of the Ancient World.

Less easy to praise unreservedly (perhaps because a really adequate statement of
this part of the subject is hardly possible as yet) is the chapter on the Minoan
civilisation with which the book opens. Mr. Hall has taken the bold line of beginning
his Ancient History in the West, and sketching the rise of the first Mediterranean
culture before starting on Egypt or Babylonia ; and the main plan of his book, as
a history of the struggle which was decided at Salamis and Plataea, permits him
this alternative. But his frequent use of the names Greece and Greek, in contexts
which refer to pre-Hellenic phases of civilisation, emphasises an inherent drawback,
namely, that the impression is given that the nationality which won in the end traces
its existence to as remote a past as did its enemies. To talk of "the Neolithic" and
"the Bronze Age Greeks," as on pp. 31-32, is quite as misleading as it would be to
talk of Neolithic or Bronze Age English, or to say that the " earlier " English " came
" from Northern Africa" (p. 32). The civilisation to which alone the name Greek
or Hellenic is appropriate is in the same sense a " modern " growth as that of either
of its great rivals, Persia and Rome. It has its dateable beginnings in the Early
Iron Age, and as strong contrasts (in matters of vital importance) with the pre-Hellenic
and non-Hellenic civilisation which preceded it in " Greek lands," as Persia has with
Assyria, or Rome with the Terramara culture, or the Hellenism of Southern Italy. It
is the more important to make this point clear because Mr. Hall seems to be under
the impression that the neolithic population of Thessaly, which remained in a backward
and almost purely neolithic state until far on in the Minoan Age (Mr. Hall says until
the period known as Late Minoan III), is in some sense identical with the Achaian
and other "northern" elements which begin to move southward from Thessaly about
that time. He supports this suggestion by pointing out similarities between the
neolithic painted wares of Thessaly and the geometrically painted pottery of the Early
Iron Age, of which he says (p. 62) that " there is no doubt " that it " is the art of the
" oldest Aryan Greeks from the tenth to the eighth centuries," or thereabouts. In
the same way he takes the "chiefs' houses of the Neolithic peoples " for "the pro-
" totypes of these Achaian palaces" (p. 63). It is odd that while he feels these
similarities so strongly, he does hot lay proportionate emphasis on northward parallels,

[ 203 ]

No. 109.] MAN. [1913.

but regards, for example, the painted pottery of South Russia as due to Aryan influences
in the Stone Age conveyed by " Mediterraneans " who had " spread too far from their
base " (p. 57) and " perished of pure inappropriateness to their environment, assisted,
" perhaps, by the more virile Indo-European tribes, who by this time must have made
" their way into Europe from Siberia." The " Siberian " origin of the virile Indo-
European deserves at least a footnote of explanation in a second edition, and it would
be convenient to know the relation of these Indo-Europeans on p. 57 with the " oldest
Aryan Greeks" on p. 62, whose art is the "geometric" art of Greece "from the
" tenth to the eighth centuries," and to the " earlier Greeks " on p. 32, who " came
" from Northern Africa while they were still stone-users." Anyone who has followed
the hypotheses and controversies of the last twenty-five years will recognise the
proximate " home " of all these varieties of " Greeks " on the shelves of his library ;
but in a book which will certainly be read widely, and by people who come fresh to
the subject, this looseness of phrase can hardly fail to perplex, and may easily mislead.
Another odd statement is on p. 61, to the effect that "at Sparta, as was perhaps to
be expected," " traces of the Mycenaean (Third Late Miuoan) Period only " have been
found. The Mycenaean site to which reference seems to be intended is not " at
Sparta" but on the far bank of the Eurotas ; and its significance is precisely this,
that the Iron Age site is a new one, not continuous with the Bronze Age settlement,
and as distinct from it as Old Sarum is from Salisbury.

In the sections on those parts of the Late Minoan Period which, in the opinion
of many, may be used to illustrate the Homeric Age, there is more difficult reading,
partly due to Mr. Hall's acceptance of an ingenious and not very recent theory that
the Argos of Homer originally meant part of South Thessaly. As the blunder by
which Homeric statements about the Argos in South Thessaly were confused with
the Argos in Argolis (which is always clearly distinguished from it in Homer) is
known to have originated with Greek genealogical historians in the latter part of the
sixth century B.C., this is equivalent to dating Homer at that stage in Greek culture,
or later. Yet Mr. Hall seems to regard Homer as representing a culture " rather
" that of the Achaians of the twelfth or eleventh than of the ninth century " ; so
there is room for doubt as to his meaning, and his scepticism on p. 76 about horse
feeding in the Peloponnesian Argos seems to show unacquaintance with some Bronze
Age evidence for the use of horses there. If Homer, or even the " last Homer," as
Mr. Hall calls him, was really so ill-informed about Greece, of any century we please,
as to confuse the Peloponnesian with the Thessalian Argos, the less use serious
people make of his evidence for that century and its culture, the better.

These are tiresome defects in a review of present-day knowledge of prehistoric
ages in .^Egean lands which is useful and well-proportioned as long as it is descrip-
tive. The mistake, as in Mr. Hall's earlier book, The Oldest Civilisation of Greece,
is oue of tactics. He has brought into a text-book the materials of a dozen essays ;
well worth writing, if the evidence were stated in full, but frankly not worth very
much when they occupy pages which might be given to fuller statement of the
wonderful Minoan culture.

A word should be added to recommend the opening chapter on historical and
archaeological method, which is concise and clear, and gives information about a
matter which is fundamental to historical students, but is seldom treated with the
care and thoroughness which it demands.

The illustrations, though not very numerous, considering how much of the book is
archaeological, are admirably bright despite their small scale, and show several new
subjects, besides many new views of old friends. And there is an excellent index.

J. L. M.

[ 204 1

1913.] MAN. [No. 110.

Africa, Central. Macleod.

Chiefs and Cities of Central Africa. By Olive Macleod. Edinburgh and 41 (I
London: William Blackwood and Sons, 1912. I III

This is an interesting record of travel ; brightly written, well illustrated, and
invitingly got up.

The Botanical Appendix enhances the value of the book itself ; while the
carefully compiled index is of service to the reader, and the maps are helpful.

The authoress deserves much credit for the plucky manner in which she has
carried out her programme, undismayed by the misfortunes of her cicerone, who
appears to have endured more hardships than fall to the lot of the average African
traveller.

The pacification and development, under — more or less — European influence, of
the country traversed has been practically altogether accomplished since the beginning
of this century, and the story here related is a well-merited tribute to the good work
done by the Colonial administrators who have been sent to their respective spheres
of influence by France, Britain, and Germany.

Leaving out of account the activities along the Benue of the Niger Company,
what time it held its Royal Charter, the advent of the three Powers was, chrono-
logically, in the order given above, and the influence of all three has, on the whole,
made for the good of the regions and peoples concerned.

The authoress gives a good picture of the juxtaposition and intermingling of
Mohammedans and Pagans ; she indicates the chronic slave-raiding formerly practised
by the former on the latter, the termination of which in itself has justified European
intervention; and her account supports the opinion, held by many, that all the stages
of civilisation to be observed among the peoples of the West Central Sudan in
particular, and of West Africa in general, indicate devolutions from higher stages.

She has done well to dwell on the figure of Abegga, the Chief of Lokoja.
That old man is an interesting link with the past : he came to Europe with the
famous African traveller, Barth, in the fifties of last century ; he reads and writes
English well, and his memory is good, although the weakness of age has blunted his
former bright intelligence ; and, now that the native companion of his European
travels — Dorugu, a Government schoolmaster, who died at Kano last autumn — is dead,
he furnishes the last useful link with the European explorers of his part of Africa
in the middle of last century.

The irruption of Rabe undoubtedly gave local development a set-back ; for chaos
resulted from his conquest and he did not remain long enough in power to restore
order ; and it is now impossible to say whether the consolidation of his power would
have made for reformation or the reverse.

It is well shown how higher races — e.g., the Kanuri and the Bagirmi — have
retrograded when they have settled down permanently in the regions under considera-
tion ; but this is nothing new, nor is it an unmixed evil. The Vandals and the
Moors retrogressed when they settled in North Africa ; so did other higher races
who entered West Central and West Africa from the north and east ; but their
advent probably raised the level of the indigenous peoples among whom they
partially lost themselves. Certainly, at the present day, the traveller can see
Mohammedan immigrants, at the expense of a certain amount of retrogression in
the case of their own progeny, raising the grade of development of the Pagans
among whom they are settling. This is how Islam seems to be the means destined
for the regeneration of Africa : its advent everywhere means miscegonation ; within
its confines is no racial or colour line ; it is innocent of the fatuous European
tendency to regard the half-cast as a white man-; and it realises that, while a mule
is an aristocrat among donkeys, if one call him a horse everybody will laugh. The

[ .205 ]

Nos, 110-111.] MAN. [1913.

dice are thus loaded in favour of Islam : the Christian will give his life, but not his
blood; for Africa ; the Mohammedan will, and does, give both.

It is stated that Garua was only occupied in 1904 : as a matter of fact, it was
first occupied by the late Major Hans Dominik at the end of 1901. The British
law regulating the minimum legal weight of elephant tusks is designed to prevent
the slaughter of immature elephants, and it is quite in keeping with the wise
demarcation of a game reserve at Lake Chad.

The nebulous location of towns complained of in Bornu is not entirely — not
even chiefly — due to defective mapping. A town may consist of a congeries of
hamlets dotted over an area of twenty square miles or so ; and the natives will
occasionally suddenly move off in a body to a hew location ten or twenty miles
away, endowing the new town with the designation of the old one. Northern
Nigeria has always had an Intelligence Department commensurate with its means,
which has served it well ; the Administration has never slept over the matter of
mapping ; and now, in due course, an accurate and exhaustive survey has been
systematically taken in hand.

In describing the life of the people, indications are rightly given of the
relatively influential position held by the Mohammedan women near Chad ; but it
would have been well had a full description of the ravages of the ubiquitous white
ant been given — the greatest pest and most prominent natural force to be observed
in the region. This part of Africa is not likely to escape notice in the future, if for
no other reason than that a great part of it is a natural granary ; and the authoress
has succeeded in supplying those touches of local colour which are lacking in the
picture apt to be limned by more scientific authors. We shall receive with interest
future efforts which she may make in the same direction. N.

India: Baluchistan. Bray.

Census of India, 1911. By Denys Bray, I.C.S. Vol. II., Baluchistan, 444
Part I. and II. Price, 4s. 6d.

This is one of the most important contributions to our knowledge of the sociology
of India published since the late Sir Denzil Ibbetson's classic report on the Punjab
Census of 1881 appeared. Though Baluchistan cannot be said to form part of India
proper, its tribes have fed the Indian population for generations, and the Brahui speak
a Dravidian tongue, though what proportion of Dravidian blood they may now possess
is, of course, another question. The Pathan and Baluch tribes — to use a conven-
tional but inaccurate term — have preserved features which appear to be older, and, it
must be confessed, ruder than anything to be found nowadays throughout even the
Western Punjab, into which they have overflowed, though traces of their most primi-
tive usages occur in scattered parts of it. From those usages we can gather some
idea of what the primitive Punjab tribes, largely drawn from Iran, must have been.
One must say some idea, for custom is anything but immutable. The Brahuts have
copied the bride-price from the Pathans almost within living memory. A much older
form of marriage was, Mr. Bray thinks, that of exchange, adal-badal, kanovati,
vatandra — the two latter have a strong Punjabi sound. Still less conservative (and
more priest-ridden) are the Pathans, who are endeavouring, like a good many people
in the Punjab, to merge betrothal and marriage into one, not merely in order to come
into line with the shariat or Muhammadan law, but also in order to draw the
betrothal tie taut once and for all by hallowing it with the nikah or wedding rites.
So far, then, from a fanatical devotion to Islam leading the Pathan to emancipate
women to the extent laid down in the Qoran, all that it does is to rivet the fetters
still more closely upon them. And at first sight it certainly looks as if the denial to
females of many legal rights, such as that of inheritance, had a disastrous effect on the

[ 206 ]

1913.] MAN. [No. lit

female population. To every 1,000 sons only 799 daughters are born in all Baluchistan,
and though the number of females of all ages rises to 832 after allowing for emigration,
in which males are in excess, the ratio of the sexes is exceedingly unsatisfactory.
Only in Makran and Las Bela have women in great measure made good their claims
to inheritance, and it can be no accidental coincidence that Makran can boast the
highest birth-rate generally, the highest female birth-rate, and the highest proportion
of females in the living population. Mr. Bray is confident that females are not
omitted in the census enumeration, and he failed to find any traces of female infanticide.
The causes, then, of the paucity of females, which amounts, indeed, to a veritable
famine, as he says, are obscure, but it is only too evident that depreciation of female
rights is accompanied by a heavy decrease in the actual numbers of females, though the
exact process of connection, if there is any connection, is not apparent. Mr. Bray
has investigated the figures available with great care, but the vital statistical data
are too scanty for any conclusions to be based on them.

Another feature of Mr. Bray's Report is the masterly exposition of the extreme
artificiality of primitive tribes. So heterogeneous are the Baluch, the Pathan, and,
above all. the Brahui, that one is tempted to suggest that one ought to give up
talking about Pathan or Baluch tribes and so on altogether, and speak of the Pathan,
Baluch, &c., " groups," using some term which does not connote race or descent at
all, but simply fusion or federation. It is not even accurate to speak of the clans or
septs which make up the Papuan tribe or the Baluch or Brahui tribe, for the sept or
class may be equally heterogeneous. Man at this backward stage of his development
is an organising, bargaining animal, whose actions are determined by economic stress
and military self-interest, not by tribal affinities or the ties of kinship. The bonds of
family are only intense up to a certain point. Beyond that they are easily broken, and
forged anew. But the federated " tribe " formed out of various ethnic elements by
alliance, adoption, and clientship, is a consciously formed association, not a purely
natural unit.

Mr. Bray has collected much material which affords food for reflection. As
Mr. W. Crooke points out, the Makrani's way of threatening or persuading a barren
tree into bearing illustrates the parable of the barren fig tree in the New Testament.
How thin is the veneer spread by Islam over the primitive creeds of the people is
shown by various survivals. At first sight we have what look like traces of totemism,
e.g. a Bikak Chhatta Jat will never eat bik or kidneys at all, nor will a Delaran eat
laran or guts. But why will no Umrani Baluch tolerate a long-necked drinking vessel
and no Jamali put up with burning cow-dung ? In the Kachhi tract we find some
curious tabus among menials and artisans. Thus the weavers abominate a tool called
penr, the cobblers bits of rotten hide, minstrels uncrushed pulse, grain-parchers a lemon,
carpenters the brinjal or egg plant, and barbers honey. A chief in the Kachhi used
to have fine sport in the old days in trying to make the menials bring the names of
their pet abominations to their lips. The very mention of them on the lips of others
was enough to make them weep and wail and rend their clothes. One would fain
believe that pride in their work was at the bottom of the cobblers' tabu, but the
others are unaccountable. In all kinds of ways primitive religion has been dove-
tailed into the Islamic system. Rain-making and stopping are equally practised.
Among the Brahuis, when the flocks are dying for want of rain, a sham fight is
arranged between the womenfolk of two nomad encampments, a device which recalls
a fertility charm described in the Punjab Census Report, 1912.* The only ones to

* Pp. 236-7. The custom is known as Kanagatan laran, or fighting (of females) in Kanya-(Virgo)-
yat, and in it regular fights take place between large gangs of women on the amdwas day on the road
to the river. The idea unlying it is that the souls of other females may incarnate as the offspring of the
women taking part in it. Men are not supposed to interfere.

[ 207 ]

Nos. 111-112.] MAN. [1913

dabble in rain-stopping are the grain-hoarders, who always hanker after drought, and
the women, who get bored with a few days' rain — among Pathans. Throw a handful
of salt in the fire, nail a horse-shoe on to the wall well out of reach of the rain,
plaster a wheaten bannock on a rubbish heap,* or put a Koran into a cold oven, bring
it back to your room, and distribute alms. In Kalat we have what looks like a counter-
charm to these in the boys' game of the little old man Avhose chorus shout for " a hole
" in the house of the miser ! " Holy men specialise in particular departments of nature,
so that we have a Makri or Locust Sayyid who has locusts under his charm, which is
transmitted from father to son by simply spitting into his mouth, a process which drives
the new initiate mad for a day or two. The Sayyid endowed with this power catches
a locust, spits into its mouth, and lets it go — with the result that the swarm disperses.
Anthropologists will find Mr. Bray's Report a book to keep, and his Life History
of the Brahui, shortly to be published by the Royal Asiatic Society, will add largely
to our knowledge of life in Baluchistan. In conclusion, it may be noted that Mr. Bray
quotes Herrick's couplet : —

Who to the North, or South, doth set
His bed, male children shall beget.

Any. parallels to this notion might possibly throw light on the various positions of the
body in sepulture. The present writer is not comanced that the laying of a corpse's
head to the north always indicates that the race claims a northern origin.

H. A. R.

Africa, Central. Moubray.

In South Central Africa. By J. M. Moubray, F.R.G.S. Constable & Co. 41 A
Pp. 198 and vii ; forty-six photographs and map. Price 10s. 6d. Ufa

When on page 3 of a book the reader meets with such a statement as " the popu-
" lation consists of the white man, the dago, and the nigger (including Chinamen
" and Indians)," he will not expect to find in the course of his reading anthropo-
logical information that would startle the scientific world, nor will he be disappointed
in this during the perusal of In South Central Africa, a book recording in a breezy
way the experiences of Mr. Moubray in that country. No blame is to be attached
for this to the author, who disclaims scientific pretensions, but he ought not to make
the statement that he has accumulated much novel material, for this is not justified
by anything contained in his book. His personal adventures are spiced with yarns
which greet us with friendly familiarity, such as the story of the child used as a bait
to attract crocodiles (a custom attributed in my youthful days by continental peoples
to the wicked English lord hunting in India), and the proverbial dirtiness of the
" nigger."

However, the account of the irrigation works, and especially of the terrace cultiva-
tions in the Inyanga district (which latter have been made by the natives to prevent
the depredations of their plantations by rhinoceros) is interesting, because it proves a
spirit of enterprise and of perseverance that has an important bearing on the history
of the neighbouring Zimbabwe and contributes to discredit the Hall-Bent theories, in
which the author is a firm believer.

The illustrations of the swamp dwellings are interesting, and most of the photo-
graphs are good, although some, like the one of the bushbuck on page 170, are touched
up so as to convey a wrong impression. E. T.

ERRATUM.

In MAN, 1913, No. 88, p. 159, for Libyanic read Lihyanic.

* Contrary to the usage in the Punjab, where to defsecate upon a chapatti placed in an open field
expresses indifference to rain and shows the sky the uselessness of continuing to withhold it.

Printed by EYBE AND SPOTTISWOODE, LTD., His Majesty's Printers, East Harding Street, E.G.

A MONTHLY RECORD OF ANTHROPOLOGICAL SCIENCE.

PUBLISHED UNDER THE DIRECTION OF THE

ROYAL ANTHROPOLOGICAL INSTITUTE

OF

GREAT BRITAIN AND IRELAND

1914.

Nos. 1— 1O1.
WITH PLATES A— N.

PUBLISHED BY THE

ROYAL ANTHROPOLOGICAL INSTITUTE,

50, GREAT RUSSELL STREET, LONDON, W.C.
NEW YORK AGENTS: MESSRS. G. E STECHERT & Co.

OO^TTElsTTS.

ORIGINAL ARTICLES.

No.

Africa, Central. A Few Notes on Butwa : An African Secret Society. DUGALD CAMPBELL 38
Africa, Central. Manganja Head Dresses. (With Plate X.) R. R. MARETT, M.A., D.Sc. 73
Africa, Central. The Swamps of Bangweolo and its Inhabitants. (With Plates ff, If,

and fllwttrations.} VON ROSEN 49

Africa, Central. Nyasaland : Angoni Smelting Furnace. (Illustrated.} H. S. STANNUS,

M.D 65

Africa, East: Religion. A Galla Ritual Prayer. Miss A. WERNER 64

Africa, South: ArehSBOlOgy. Stone Implements from South Africa. (With Plate D.}

J. LEE Doux 30

Africa, West. "Bori" among the Hausas. H. R. PALMER 52

Africa, West. Marital Relations of the Hausas as shown in their Folk-lore. (No. 1.)

Major A. J. N. TREMEARNE, M.A., LL.M., Dip. Anth. 13

Africa, West. Marital Relations of the Hausas as shown in their Folk-lore. (Nos. 2 and 3.)

Major A. J. N. TREMEARNE, M,A., LL.M., Dip. Anth. 69

Africa, West. Marital Relations of the Hausas as shown in their Folk-lore. (Nos. 4-8.)

Major A. J. N. TREMEARNE, M.A., LL.M., Dip. Anth. 76

Africa, West. Nigerian Strolling Players. ( With, Plate 3r.) MAJOR A. J. N. TREMEARNE,

M.A., LL.M., Dip. Anth 95

Africa. See- also EGYPT ; NIGERIA, SOUTHERN.

America : Archaeology. Archaeology in America. Miss A. C. BRETON 5

Applied Anthropology. The Value of a Training in Anthropology for the Administrator.

SIR RICHARD TEMPLE, BART., C.I.E 19

Archaeology. Rarity of Large Flint Implements in Gloucestershire. A. D. PASSMORE ... 67

Archaeology. Standing Stones and Stone Circles in Yorkshire. A. L. LEWIS 83

Archaeology. The Origin of the Horse-shoe Arch . SIR H. H. JOHNSTON, G.C.M.G., K.C.B. 20
Archaeology. The Striation of Flint Surfaces. ( With Plate M.} J. REID MoiR, F.G.S. ... 90
Archaeology : Australia. Pygmy Implements from Australia. (Illustrated.} J. P.

JOHNSON 75

Archaeology : France. On some Prehistoric Antiquities in the Departments of the Vienne

and the Charente, France. A. L. LEWIS ... ... ... 22

Archaeology. See AFRICA, SOUTH ; AMERICA ; ENGLAND ; JERSEY ; MEXICO.
Australia, South. Evidence of Bark Canoes and Food-Ca.rriers on the River Murray,

South Australia. (With Plate I-J.} H. BASEDOW, M.A., M.D 63

Australia. The Relationship System of the Dieri Tribe. A. R. BROWN 33

Bactria : Bronze Age. A Bactriari Bronze Ceremonial Axe. (With Pla'e B.} SIR C.

HERCULES READ 11

Biography. The Life and Work of N. N. Miklukho-Maklay. M. A. CzAPLicKA 98

Chile, Northern. A further Note on the Occurrence of Turquoise at Indio Muerto, Northern

Chile. {Illustrated.} OSWALD H. EVANS and JOHN SOUTHWARD 21

Egypt. Evidence for the Custom of Killing the King in Ancient Egypt. M. A. MURRAY 12
England : Archaeology. Description of a Bronze Flat Celt in the Newbury Museum.

(Illustrated.} H. PEAKE and J. J. MANLEY ...• 51

England : Archaeology. Flint Implements of Moustier Type and Associated Mammalian

Remains from the Crayford Brick-earths. (Illustrated.} R. BRICE HIGGINS and R. A.

SMITH 4

England : Archaeology. Flint Implements from the Crayford Brick-earths. R. A. SMITH 31
Ethnography : Pelew Islands. Inlaid Bowl and Stand from the Pelews. (With Plate C.

<tnd Illustrations.} H. G. BEASLEY 18

Ethnology. See FIJI ; INDIA ; PELKW ISLANDS.

Fiji. Masks in Fiji. A. M. HOCART 53

Fiji. Masks in Fiji — A Correction. A. M. HOCART 85

Fiji. More about Tauvu, A, M. HOCART 96

IT

No.

Fiji. The Disappearance of a Useful Art in Rotuma. A. M. HOCAKT 82

Fiji : Ethnology. Note on the Dual Organisation in Fiji. A. M. HOCART 2

Folklore. See AFRICA, WEST.

India. Female Infanticide in India. T. C. HODSON 44

India, South. Cross Cousin Marriage in South India. F. J. RICHARDS 97

India : Ethnography. Some Brahmanic String Figures. (Illustrated.*) C. L. T. GRIFFITH

and KATHLEEN HADDON 45

Jersey : Archaeology. Excavation of a Barrow called La Hougue de Vinde, situated at

Noirmout, Jersey. (Illustrated.) R. R. MARETT and G. F. B. DE GRUCHY 32

Linguistics. A New Pacific Ocean Script. (With Plate F.) J. MACMILLAN BROWN ... 43

Linguistics. See NIGERIA, SOUTHERN.

Mexico : Archaeology. Note on a Sculptured Stone Chest from the Panuco Valley. ( With

Plate. A.) T. A. JOYCE, M.A 1

New Zealand. Cremation amongst the Maori Tribes of New Zealand. ELSDON BEST ... 50
New Zealand. Maori Beliefs concerning the Human Organs of Generation. ELSDON BEST 66

New Zealand. The Peopling of New Zealand. (With Plate E.~) ELSDON BEST 37

Nigeria, Southern : Linguistics. " Slang " in Southern Nigeria. N.W.THOMAS ... 3

Obituary. Adolph Francis Bandelier. D. RANDALL MAClVER 84

Obituary. Mary Seymour. See TASMANIA.

Papua. Some Notes on the Nomenclature of Western Papua. W. N. BEAVER 68

Papua. Some Notes on the Eating of Human Flesh in the Western Division of Papua.

VV. N. BEAVER 74

Physical Anthropology. On the Differentiation of Man from the Anthropoids. CARVETH

READ, M.A 91

Religion : Mana. A. M. HOCART 46

Tasmania. Relic of the Lost Tasmanian Race— Obituary Notice of Mary Seymour. (With

Plate Z.) HERBERT BASEDOW 81

REVIEWS.

Africa, East. Stigand. The Land of Zinj ; being an Account of British East Africa, its

Ancient History and present Inhabitants . A. WERNER... ... ... ... ... ... 47

Africa, South. Elleuberger. History of the Basuto, Ancient and Modern. A.WERNER ... 93

Africa, South. Junod. T/te Life of a South African Tribe. J. ROSCOE 54

Africa, West. Benton. TJie Sultanate of Bormi. P. AMAURY TALBOT 80

Africa, West, Talbot. In ttie Shadow of the Bush. A. J. N. TREMEARNE 86

Africa, West. Tessmann. Die Pangwe. P. AMAURY TALBOT 99

Africa, West. Thomas. Ibo-speahing Peoples of Nigeria. P. AMAURY TALBOT ... ... 71

Africa. See CONGO ; UGANDA.

Africa: Linguistics. Meinhof. Die Sprachen der Hamiten. N. W. T ... 7

America, South. Church. Aborigines of South America. A. C. B. ... ... ... ... 8

America, South: Ethnology. Labrador. El Paraguay Catolico. A. C. B. 58

America: Archaeology. Beuchat. Manuel d'Archeologie Americaine. T. A. J 24

Anthropology. Johnston. Views and Reviews. M. LoNGWORTH DAMES 23

Archaeology : Mesopotamia. Handcock. MesopotamianArchceology. H. G. SPEARING... 25
Archaeology : Spain. Breuil : del Rio : Obermaier. La Pasiega (Santander, Spain).

H. G. SPEARING 78

Archaeology. See AMERICA ; GERMANY ; MEXICO ; PACIFIC.

Art. Spearing. The Childhood of Art. A. C. HADDON 55

Australia. Malinowski. Tlie Family among the Australian Aborigines. A. R. B 16

Borneo. Hose : McDougall. The Pagan Tribes of Borneo. T. A. J 40

Congo. Weeks. Among the, Congo Cannibals : Experiences, Impressions, and Adventures.

A. WERNER 15

Ethnology: Method. Graebner. Methode der Ethnologic. E. SIDNEY HARTLAND ... 7Q
Ethnology. See AMERICA, SOUTH,

No.

Evolution. Ncophilosophos Tis. Der Mensch und Seine Kulter. B. M.. 42

Folk-lOPe. Andrews. Ulster Folk-lore. M. L.ONGWORTH DAMES 72

Folk-lore. Wright. Rust in Speech and Folk-lore. M. LONOWORTH DAMES 88

Germany : Archaeology. Schmidt. Die diluviale Vorzeit Deutschlands. R. A. S. ... 14

India : Ancient Hindu Medicine. Hoernle. The. Bower Manuscript. L. A. WADDELL... 39

India : Cochin. Iyer. T/ta Cochin Tribes and Castes. W. CROOKE 29

Indonesia. DC Zwaan. Die Heilkunde der Xiagger. W. J. PERRY 100

Japan: Prehistory. Munro. Prehistoric Japan. A. C. HABDON 6

Linguistics. Johnston. Phonetic Spelling : A proposed Universal Alphabet for the rendering

of English, French, German, and all other Forms of Speech. N. W. T. 57

Linguistics. See AFRICA.

Melanesia : Migrations. Friederici. Wissenschaftliche Ergebnisse einer awtlichen

Forsehungsreise nach tJein Bismarck- Arciti pel im Jahre 1908. Unterxuchungen ilber eine

Melnnesische Wander straxse. SIDNEY H. RAY ... 34

Mexico : Archaeology. Joyce. Mexican Archeeoloyy. A. C. B 56

Pacific : Archaeology. Enock. Tlie Secret of t he Pacific. H. J. B 79

Physical Anthropology. Boas. Changes in bodily form of Descendants of Immigrants.

H. J. FLEIIRE 101

Physical Anthropology. Buttel-Reepen. Man and his Forerunners. A.KEITH 17

Religion. Frazer. Adonis, Attis, Osiris : Studies in the. History of Oriental Religion.

E. SIDNEY HARTLAND 92

Religion. Frazer. Balder the Beautiful. E. SIDNEY HARTLAND 94

Religion. Frazer. Psyches Task : A Discourse concerning the Influence of Superstition on

the Growth of Institutions. E. SIDNEY HARTLAND 77

Religion. Frazer. The Scapegoat. E. SIDNEY HARTLAND 41

Religion. Main. Religious Chastity : An Etlbnological Study. E. SIDNEY HARTLAND ... 28

Religion. Upward. The Divine Mystery. P. AMAURY TALBOT 87

Religion. See SARDINIA.

Sardinia: Primitive Religion. Pettazzoni. La Religione Primitii-a in Sardegna.

B. Z. S ' 9

Sociology. Webster. Rest Days ; a Sociological Study. B. M. 26

Uganda. Kagwa. Ekitabo kya Basckabaka, Bebuganda. A. W. CRABTREE 27

PROCEEDINGS OF SOCIETIES.

The Mythic Society of Bangalore 10

Anthropological Teaching in Universities 35

International Congress of Americanists 48

Anthropology at the British Association for the Advancement of Science,

1914 89

ANTHROPOLOGICAL NOTES.

See Nos. 36, 59, 60, 61, 62.

VI

DESCRIPTION OF THE PLATES.

A. A Sculptured Stone Chest from the Panuco Valley With No. 1

B. A Bactrian Bronze Ceremonial Axe ... ... ... ... ... „ 11

c. Inlaid Bowl and Stand from the Pelews „ 18

D. Stone Implements from South Africa ... ... ... „ 30

E. The Peopling of New Zealand ... ... ... „ 37

F. A New Pacific Ocean Script ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ,. 43

G-H. The Swamps of Bangweolo and its Inhabitants ... ... ... ... ... ., 49

i-j. Evidence of Bark Canoes and Food Carriers on the River Murray, South Australia „ 63

K. Manganja Head-dresses ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... „ 73

L. Mary Seymour, Ta^manian Half Caste ... ... ... ... ... „ 81

M. The Striation of Flint Surfaces „ 90

N. Nigerian Strolling Players ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... „ 95

ILLUSTRATIONS IN THE TEXT.

N.E. — Photograph, unless otherwise stated.

Fig. 1. Flint Implement with Facetted Butt, Crayford. (Drawings.) ... ... ... With No. 4

Fig. 2. Flint Flake with Facetted Butt, Crayford. (Drawing.) „ 4

Figs. 3, 4. Flint Flakes, Butts broken, Crayford